SUPREME
COURT OF CANADA
Citation: B.C. Freedom of Information and Privacy Association v. British Columbia (Attorney
General), 2017 SCC 6
|
Appeal
heard: October 11, 2016
Judgment
rendered: January 26, 2017
Docket: 36495
|
Between:
B.C.
Freedom of Information and Privacy Association
Appellant
and
Attorney
General of British Columbia
Respondent
-
and -
Attorney
General of Canada,
Attorney
General of Ontario,
Attorney
General of Quebec,
British
Columbia Civil Liberties Association and
Canadian
Civil Liberties Association
Interveners
Coram: McLachlin C.J. and Moldaver, Karakatsanis, Wagner, Gascon,
Côté and Brown JJ.
Reasons for Judgment:
(paras. 1 to
60)
|
McLachlin C.J. (Moldaver, Karakatsanis,
Wagner, Gascon, Côté and Brown JJ. concurring)
|
Note: This document is subject to editorial revision before its
reproduction in final form in the Canada Supreme Court Reports.
b.c. fipa v. b.c. (attorney general)
B.C. Freedom of Information and Privacy
Association Appellant
v.
Attorney General of British Columbia Respondent
and
Attorney
General of Canada,
Attorney
General of Ontario,
Attorney
General of Quebec,
British
Columbia Civil Liberties Association and
Canadian Civil Liberties Association Interveners
Indexed as:
B.C. Freedom of Information and Privacy
Association v. British Columbia (Attorney General)
2017 SCC 6
File No.: 36495.
2016: October 11;
2017: January 26.
Present: McLachlin C.J.
and Moldaver, Karakatsanis, Wagner, Gascon, Côté and Brown JJ.
on
appeal from the court of appeal for british columbia
Constitutional
law — Charter of Rights — Freedom of expression — Elections — Individuals or organizations
who wish to “sponsor election advertising” required by Election Act to register
with Chief Electoral Officer — Meaning of “sponsor” of “election advertising” —
Whether individuals engaged in political self‑expression come within
definition of “sponsor” and need to register — Whether registration requirement
is a reasonable and demonstrably justified limit on expression of sponsors who
spend less than $500 on election advertising — Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, ss. 1 , 2 (b) — Election Act, R.S.B.C. 1996, c. 106, ss. 228
“election advertising”, 229, 239.
In
2009 and 2013, the B.C. Freedom of Information and Privacy Association
sponsored election advertising within the meaning of British Columbia’s Election Act. It was therefore subject to the
impugned registration requirement in s. 239 of the Act. The Association
sought a declaration that the registration requirement, to the extent that it
applies to sponsors of election advertising who spend less than $500 in a given
campaign period, infringes s. 2 (b) of the Charter and is not
saved by s. 1 . Specifically, it argued that requiring that individuals or
organizations who wish to “sponsor election advertising” to register is not a
reasonable and demonstrably justified limit on expression by persons who convey
political messages through small‑scale election activities like
displaying homemade signs in their windows, putting bumper stickers on their
cars, or wearing T‑shirts with political messages on them. The trial
judge dismissed the application. He accepted the Attorney General of British
Columbia’s concession that s. 239 of the Act was an infringement of the
right of free expression, but concluded that the infringement was justified
under s. 1 of the Charter . A majority of the Court of Appeal
reached the same conclusion.
Held:
The appeal should be dismissed.
Properly
interpreted, s. 239 does not catch the categories of expression upon which
the Association relies. The words of ss. 228, 229 and 239 of the Act, read
in their grammatical and ordinary sense and harmoniously with the statutory
scheme, the object of the Act, and the intention of the legislature, indicate
that a “sponsor” required to register is an individual or organization who
receives an advertising service from another individual or organization,
whether in exchange for payment or without charge. Individuals who neither pay
others for advertising services nor receive advertising services from others
without charge are not “sponsors” within the meaning of s. 229(1). They
may transmit their own points of view, whether by posting a handmade sign in a
window, or putting a bumper sticker on a car, or wearing a T‑shirt with a
message on it, without registering.
Although
the registration requirement imposed on sponsors limits their right of
expression guaranteed by s. 2 (b) of the Charter , the limit
on the expression of sponsors who spend less than $500 is justified under
s. 1 . The purpose of the registration requirement — increasing
transparency, openness, and public accountability in the electoral process and
thus promoting an informed electorate — is pressing and substantial, and the
registration requirement is rationally connected to this objective. The limit
is also minimally impairing. By confining the registration requirement to
sponsors and exempting individual political self‑expression by persons
who are not sponsors, s. 239 tailors the impingement on expression to what
is required by the object of the Act. Moreover, the forms of advertising likely
to be “sponsored” within the meaning of the Act are also likely to be subject
to the Act’s attribution requirements, which are not challenged. The
registration requirement’s deleterious effects are limited since only political
expression in the form of sponsorship of election advertising stands to be
delayed or inhibited. There will be few cases in which an individual or group
is subject to the registration requirement but not the attribution requirement,
and so the number of sponsors for whom s. 239 is the sole reason they
cannot protect their anonymity will be few. The registration process is simple
and unlikely to deter much, if any, expression in which a sponsor would
otherwise engage. These limited deleterious effects are outweighed by the
benefits of the scheme — permitting the public to know who is engaged in
organized advocacy in their elections, ensuring that those who sponsor election
advertising must provide the public with an assurance that they are in
compliance with election law, and providing the Chief Electoral Officer with
information that can assist in the enforcement of the Act and in informing
sponsors of its requirements.
The
Attorney General of British Columbia was not obligated to lead social science
evidence in order to discharge its burden of justification under s. 1 of the Charter .
Although not leading social science evidence may seriously diminish the government’s
ability to justify the infringement of a Charter right, social science
evidence may not be necessary where, as here, the scope of the infringement is
minimal.
Cases
Cited
Referred
to: Harper v. Canada (Attorney General), 2004 SCC 33, [2004] 1
S.C.R. 827; Libman v. Quebec (Attorney General), [1997] 3 S.C.R. 569; R.
v. Zundel, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 731; R. v. Keegstra, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697;
Edmonton Journal v. Alberta (Attorney General), [1989] 2 S.C.R. 1326; Bell
ExpressVu Limited Partnership v. Rex, 2002 SCC 42, [2002] 2 S.C.R. 559; Rizzo
& Rizzo Shoes Ltd. (Re), [1998] 1 S.C.R. 27; Pacific Press v.
British Columbia (Attorney General), 2000 BCSC 248, 73 B.C.L.R. (3d) 264; R.
v. Oakes, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103; R. v. Bryan, 2007 SCC 12, [2007] 1
S.C.R. 527; Thomson Newspapers Co. v. Canada (Attorney General), [1998]
1 S.C.R. 877.
Statutes
and Regulations Cited
Canada
Elections Act, S.C. 2000, c. 9, s. 353(1) .
Canadian
Charter of Rights and Freedoms, ss. 1 , 2 (b).
Election
Act, R.S.B.C. 1996, c. 106, ss. 228 “contribution”, “election
advertising”, “value of election advertising”, 229 [am. 2002, c. 60,
s. 6], 231, 235(1) [rep. idem, s. 7], 235.1, 239, 240, 244,
245, 283(m.1).
Election
Act, S.B.C. 1995, c. 51.
Election
Advertising Regulation, B.C. Reg. 329/2008, s. 2.
Election
Statutes Amendment Act, 2002, S.B.C. 2002, c. 60.
Authors
Cited
British
Columbia. Chief Electoral Officer. “Report of the Chief Electoral Officer on
Recommendations for Legislative Change”. Victoria: Elections BC, April 2010
(online: http://www.elections.bc.ca/docs/rpt/2010‑CEO‑Report‑Recommendations.pdf;
archived version: http://www.scc-csc.ca/cso-dce/2017SCC-CSC6_eng.pdf).
British
Columbia. Legislative Assembly. Official Report of Debates of the
Legislative Assembly (Hansard), vol. 21, No. 16, 4th Sess., 35th
Parl., June 27, 1995, pp. 16240‑41.
Collins
Canadian Dictionary. Toronto: HarperCollins, 2010, “sponsor”.
Driedger,
Elmer A. Construction of Statutes, 2nd ed. Toronto: Butterworths, 1983.
APPEAL
from a judgment of the British Columbia Court of Appeal (Newbury, Saunders and
Lowry JJ.A.), 2015 BCCA 172, 371 B.C.A.C. 65, 636 W.A.C. 65, 76 B.C.L.R.
(5th) 26, 334 C.R.R. (2d) 37, [2015] 12 W.W.R. 295, [2015] B.C.J. No. 774
(QL), 2015 CarswellBC 1035 (WL Can.), affirming a decision of Cohen J., 2014
BCSC 660, 308 C.R.R. (2d) 12, [2014] B.C.J. No. 688 (QL), 2014 CarswellBC
1034 (WL Can.). Appeal dismissed.
Alison M. Latimer and Sean
Hern, for the appellant.
Karen A. Horsman, Q.C., and Sarah Bevan,
for the respondent.
Michael H. Morris, for the intervener the Attorney General of
Canada.
Daniel Guttman and Emily
Bala, for the intervener the Attorney
General of Ontario.
Dominique A. Jobin and Jean‑Vincent
Lacroix, for the intervener the
Attorney General of Quebec.
Sheila Tucker and Joanne
Lysyk, for the intervener the
British Columbia Civil Liberties Association.
Gillian T. Hnatiw and Zohar R.
Levy, for the intervener the Canadian
Civil Liberties Association.
The judgment of the Court was delivered by
The Chief Justice —
[1]
British Columbia’s Election Act, R.S.B.C.
1996, c. 106, requires individuals or organizations who wish to “sponsor
election advertising” to register with the province’s Chief Electoral Officer.
This registration requirement applies to all sponsors of election advertising,
regardless of how much they spend during the writ period.
[2]
It is common ground that British Columbia’s
registration requirement limits the right of expression guaranteed by s. 2 (b)
of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms . The question on appeal
is whether it is a reasonable and demonstrably justified limit on persons who
convey political messages through small-scale election activities like
displaying homemade signs in their windows, putting bumper stickers on their
cars, or wearing T-shirts with political messages on them.
[3]
In my view, the Act does not catch small-scale
election advertising of this nature. I would therefore dismiss the appeal.
I.
Legislation
[4]
The challenge in this case is to the registration
requirement that s. 239 of the British Columbia Election Act imposes on
the sponsors of election advertising. This Court has upheld a registration
requirement for third parties who spend at least $500 on election advertising: Harper
v. Canada (Attorney General), 2004 SCC 33, [2004] 1 S.C.R. 827, at
paras. 142-46, per Bastarache J., and para. 48, per McLachlin C.J. and
Major J.
[5]
Section 239, by contrast, requires anyone who is
a “sponsor” of “election advertising” to register:
Election advertising sponsors must be
registered
239 (1)
Subject to subsection (2), an individual or organization who is not registered
under this Division must not sponsor election advertising.
(2) A candidate,
registered political party or registered constituency association is not
required to be registered as a sponsor if the individual or organization is
required to file an election financing report by which the election advertising
is disclosed as an election expense.
(3) An individual or
organization who is registered or required to be registered as a sponsor must
be independent of registered political parties, registered constituency
organizations, candidates, agents of candidates and financial agents, and must
not sponsor election advertising on behalf of or together with any of these.
[6]
Section 240 describes the registration process:
Registration with chief electoral officer
240
(1) An individual or organization who wishes to become a registered sponsor
must file an application in accordance with this section with the chief
electoral officer.
(2)
An application must include the following:
(a) the full name
of the applicant and, in the case of an applicant organization that has a
different usual name, this usual name;
(b)
the full address of the applicant;
(c) in the case of
an applicant organization, the names of the principal officers of the
organization or, if there are no principal officers, of the principal members
of the organization;
(d) an address at
which notices and communications under this Act and other communications will
be accepted as served on or otherwise delivered to the individual or
organization;
(e) a telephone
number at which the applicant can be contacted;
(f) any other
information required by regulation to be included.
(3)
An application must
(a) be signed, as
applicable, by the individual applicant or, in the case of an applicant
organization, by 2 principal officers of the organization or, if there are no
principal officers, by 2 principal members of the organization, and
(b) be accompanied
by a signed statement of an individual who signed the application under
paragraph (a) that the applicant
(i) is not
prohibited from being registered by section 247, and
(ii) does not
intend to sponsor election advertising for any purpose related to circumventing
the provisions of this Act limiting the value of election expenses that may be
incurred by a candidate or registered political party.
(4) The chief
electoral officer may require applications to be in a specified form.
(5) As soon as
practicable after receiving an application, if satisfied that the requirements
of this section are met by an applicant, the chief electoral officer must
register the applicant as a registered sponsor in the register maintained by
the chief electoral officer for this purpose.
(6) If there is any
change in the information referred to in subsection (2) for a registered
sponsor, the sponsor must file with the chief electoral officer written notice
of the change within 30 days after it occurs.
(7) A notice or other
communication that is required or authorized under this Act to be given to a
sponsor is deemed to have been given if it is delivered to the applicable
address filed under this section with the chief electoral officer.
[7]
Section 228 defines “election advertising”:
Election advertising
228 For
the purposes of this Act:
. . .
“election
advertising” means the transmission to the public by any means, during the
campaign period, of an advertising message that promotes or opposes, directly
or indirectly, a registered political party or the election of a candidate,
including an advertising message that takes a position on an issue with which a
registered political party or candidate is associated, but does not include
(a) the
publication without charge of news, an editorial, an interview, a column, a
letter, a debate, a speech or a commentary in a bona fide periodical
publication or a radio or television program,
(b) the
distribution of a book, or the promotion of the sale of a book, for no less
than its commercial value, if the book was planned to be made available to the
public regardless of whether there was to be an election,
(c) the
transmission of a document directly by a person or a group to their members,
employees or shareholders, or
(d) the transmission
by an individual, on a non-commercial basis on the internet, or by telephone or
text messaging, of his or her personal political views;
[8]
Section 229(1) defines the concept of sponsorship:
Sponsorship of election advertising
229 (1)
For the purposes of this Part, the sponsor of election advertising is whichever
of the following is applicable:
(a) the individual
or organization who pays for the election advertising to be conducted;
(b) if the
services of conducting the advertising are provided without charge as a
contribution, the individual or organization to whom the services are provided
as a contribution;
(c) if the
individual or organization that is the sponsor within the meaning of paragraph
(a) or (b) is acting on behalf of another individual or organization, the other
individual or organization.
[9]
The Act also imposes an attribution requirement,
which requires all election advertising to identify the name and telephone
number or mailing address of its sponsor: s. 231(1). This attribution
requirement applies regardless of whether the sponsor is subject to the
registration requirement in s. 239, but does not apply to “classes of
election advertising that may reasonably be considered clothing, a novelty item
or an item intended for personal use” that are exempted by regulation: s.
283(m.1); see also s. 231(2). British Columbia’s Chief Electoral Officer has
accordingly exempted from the attribution requirement “clothing”, “novelty
items, including wearable novelty items such as buttons, badges, wrist bands
and necklaces”, and “small items of nominal value that are intended for
personal use”: Election Advertising Regulation, B.C. Reg. 329/2008, s. 2.
II.
Facts and Judicial History
[10]
The appellant, the B.C. Freedom of Information
and Privacy Association, is a non-profit society based in Vancouver. It engages
in public advocacy in respect of freedom of information and privacy rights.
[11]
In 2009 and 2013, the appellant sponsored election
advertising within the meaning of the Act. It was therefore subject to the
impugned registration requirement in s. 239.
[12]
The appellant sought a declaration that the registration
requirement, to the extent that it applies to sponsors of election advertising
who spend less than $500 in a given campaign period, infringes s. 2 (b)
of the Charter , is not saved by s. 1 , and is therefore of no force and
effect. The appellant conceded
that anyone who spends more than $500 on election advertising can be compelled
to register: Harper. It argued, however, that persons whose expenditures
fall below that threshold should not be compelled to register.
[13]
The trial judge, Cohen J., dismissed the
appellant’s application: 2014 BCSC 660, 208 C.R.R. (2d) 12. He accepted the Attorney General of British Columbia’s concession
that s. 239 of the Act was an infringement of the right of free expression
under s. 2 (b) of the Charter , but concluded that the infringement
was justified under s. 1 . A majority of the Court of Appeal (per Newbury
J.A., Lowry J.A. concurring) reached the same conclusion: 2015 BCCA 172, 371
B.C.A.C. 65.
[14]
Saunders J.A. dissented. She would have held
that, as applied to small-scale election advertisers — “[t]hose with bumper
stickers on vehicles expressing views on environmental or economic matters,
those who place signs in home windows or signs on their property expressing
support for or disputing a proposal or initiative, and those with picket signs
or other messages advancing a point of view on a public issue” (C.A. reasons,
at para. 68) — the infringement of the s. 2 (b) right did not meet the
test of “compelling justification” required to justify a limitation on
political speech: para. 67. She held that the impugned provision would have a
chilling effect on “small and independent voices” (para. 59), particularly
those who would struggle to comply with the administrative burden of the
registration requirement and those who, “for reasons of personal security, will
not register their addresses in a public record”: para. 69. For these
individuals, in her view, the registration requirement would function as a
“complete barrier” to political expression: ibid. Saunders J.A.
distinguished Harper on this basis; in the absence of an exception for
“inexpensive signage” (para. 71) — like the $500 expenditure threshold for
registration in the Canada Elections Act, S.C. 2000, c. 9, s. 353(1) —
“the advantage to the public interest inherent in the registration requirement
for signage of the nature I have discussed is not so great as to overcome the
consequent serious infringement of freedom of expression”: ibid.
III.
Analysis
[15]
The registration requirement in s. 239 of the British Columbia Election
Act provides that “an individual or organization who is not registered . .
. must not sponsor election advertising”. By requiring “sponsors” to register
before engaging in “election advertising”, it limits their s. 2(b) right
of free expression.
[16]
Political expression “lies at the core of the [Charter ’s]
guarantee of free expression”: Harper, para. 1, per McLachlin C.J. and
Major J.; see also Libman v. Quebec (Attorney General), [1997] 3 S.C.R.
569, at para. 29; R. v. Zundel, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 731, at pp. 752-53, per McLachlin J.; R. v. Keegstra, [1990]
3 S.C.R. 697, at pp. 763-64, per Dickson C.J.; Edmonton
Journal v. Alberta (Attorney General), [1989] 2 S.C.R. 1326, at pp. 1355-56, per Wilson J. Limitations on such speech, to be
justified under s. 1 of the Charter , “must be supported by a
clear and convincing demonstration that they are necessary, do not go too far,
and enhance more than harm the democratic process”: Harper, at para. 21,
per McLachlin C.J. and Major J.; see also Libman, at para. 28, quoting Edmonton
Journal, at p. 1336, per Cory J.
[17]
The first step is to determine the scope and nature of the limitation on
free expression that the law imposes. Having determined the scope and nature of
the limitation, the second step is to determine whether it has been shown to be
reasonable and demonstrably justified, under s. 1 of the Charter .
[18]
In this case, the parties part company at the first step. They disagree
on the scope of the expressive activity caught by s. 239, which provides that “an individual or organization who is not registered . . .
must not sponsor election advertising”. We must therefore
establish what it means to be a “sponsor” of “election advertising”.
A.
What Is the Scope and Nature of the Infringement of Section 2 (b)?
[19]
The courts below did not turn their attention to the first step
of the constitutional analysis — that is, determining the scope and
nature of the limitation on free expression that the registration requirement
in s. 239 imposes. Both the trial judge and the Court of Appeal accepted as
correct the Chief Electoral Officer’s interpretation of the
provision, as set out in a 2010 report to the legislature:
Election advertising rules do not
distinguish between those sponsors conducting full media campaigns and
individuals who post handwritten signs in their apartment windows. The Election
Act does not establish a threshold for registration, resulting in all
advertising sponsors being required to register and display disclosure
information — including individuals with a
simple handmade sign in their window.
(“Report of the Chief
Electoral Officer on Recommendations for Legislative Change” (April 2010)
(online), at p. 16; see trial reasons, at para. 88; C.A. reasons, at para. 22.)
This report, which the
appellant introduced as evidence at first instance, supports the view that s.
239’s registration requirement applies to essentially all “election
advertising”, as that term is defined in s. 228. An individual who posts a
handmade sign in her window is, on this interpretation, a “sponsor” of that
advertising within the meaning of s. 239.
[20]
Saunders J.A.’s concern with the impugned
provision’s effect on “small and independent voices” is predicated on this
assumption. So, too, is this appeal. The appellant submits that “the
infringement in this case . . . is the law’s impact on small spenders”
(emphasis in original). If s. 239 does not limit expression as broadly as the
appellant contends — if individuals who display
handmade signs in their windows, place bumper stickers on their cars, or wear
T-shirts with political messages on them are not subject to the Act’s
registration requirement — then the appeal
fails.
[21]
I conclude that, properly interpreted, s. 239 does not
catch the categories of expression upon which the appellant relies. This
follows from the application of our long-accepted approach to statutory
interpretation, namely that “the words of an Act are to be read in their entire
context and in their grammatical and ordinary sense harmoniously with the
scheme of the Act, the object of the Act, and the intention of Parliament”: Bell
ExpressVu Limited Partnership v. Rex, 2002 SCC 42, [2002] 2 S.C.R. 559, at
para. 26, quoting both E. A. Driedger, Construction of Statutes (2nd ed.
1983), at p. 87, and Rizzo & Rizzo Shoes Ltd. (Re), [1998] 1 S.C.R.
27, at para. 21. In this case,
each of these considerations indicates that s. 239 is directed only at those
who undertake organized advertising campaigns —
that is, “sponsors” who either pay for advertising services or who receive
those services without charge as a contribution. In no case does the
registration requirement apply to those engaged in individual self-expression.
(1)
The Words and Scheme of the Act
[22]
Section 239(1) of the Act provides that “an individual or organization
who is not registered under this Division must not sponsor election
advertising”. The registration requirement is thus directed at a specific
activity — the sponsorship of election advertising.
[23]
“Election advertising” is broadly defined in s. 228 as “the transmission to the public by any means, during the
campaign period, of an advertising message that promotes or opposes, directly
or indirectly, a registered political party or the election of a candidate”.
This is broad enough to cover the individual expression of a political message
by, for example, placing a handmade sign in a window or a bumper sticker on a
car, or by wearing a T-shirt with a political message on it. Such activities
may “promot[e] or oppos[e], directly or indirectly, a registered political
party or the election of a candidate”, particularly since s. 228 includes in
this category the transmission of “advertising message[s] that tak[e] a
position on an issue with which a registered political party or candidate is
associated”. Nor do handmade signs, bumper stickers, or T-shirts fall within
any of the exclusions from the definition of “election advertising” set out in
s. 228.
[24]
However, s. 239 of the Act limits the registration requirement by
requiring registration only by individuals or organizations who “sponsor
election advertising”. The ordinary meaning of “sponsor” does not suggest a
person engaged in individual self-expression, but rather a person or group that
is undertaking or “sponsoring” an organized campaign. A “sponsor” is “a person
or group that promotes another person or group in an activity or the
activity itself, either for profit or for charity”: Collins Canadian
Dictionary (2010), at p. 911 (emphasis added). One cannot be a “sponsor” in
perfect isolation.
[25]
The Act’s use of the word “sponsor” reflects its ordinary meaning.
Section 229(1) defines “the sponsor of election advertising” as “the individual
or organization who pays for the election advertising to be conducted” (s.
229(1)(a)) or, “if the services of conducting the advertising are provided
without charge as a contribution, the individual or organization to whom the
services are provided as a contribution”: s. 229(1)(b). A person who displays a
handmade sign in her window or a bumper sticker on her car does not “pa[y] for
. . . election advertising to be conducted” in any ordinary sense of those
words. No money changes hands. Nor can she be described as an individual to
whom advertising “services” have been provided “without charge as a
contribution”.
[26]
Under the Act’s definition, an individual or organization cannot
“sponsor” election advertising without either “pay[ing] for the election
advertising to be conducted” (s. 229(1)(a)) or being “provided
without charge” the “services of conducting the advertising”:
s. 229(1)(b). The alternative definitions in s. 229(1)(a) and (b) describe the
same activity — in each case, someone is the “sponsor” and someone else
“conduct[s]” the advertising. The only difference is that, in the first case,
the sponsor pays for the election advertising, while in the second case the
sponsor receives the services without charge. Whether the individual or group
pays for that service (s. 229(1)(a)) or receives it without charge (s.
229(1)(b)), there must be a service provided for the individual or group to
fall within the Act’s definition of “sponsor”. Sponsorship necessarily involves
at least two people — the person providing the service (whether for
money or without charge) and the sponsor. A person who posts a handmade sign in
her window, or puts a bumper sticker on her car, or wears a T-shirt with a
political message on it, is neither paying for nor receiving the service of
conducting advertising. She is not receiving a service from someone else, and
thus is not a “sponsor” under the Act.
[27]
I note that s.
228 of the Election Act defines “contribution” as “a contribution of money provided to a sponsor of election
advertising, whether given before or after the individual or organization acts
as a sponsor”. This is in tension with s. 229(1)(b), which states that an individual
or organization who receives the “services of conducting . . . advertising”
from another individual or organization “without charge as a contribution” is
the “sponsor” of that election advertisting.[1] It is clear, in any case, that more than one individual must be
involved, whether the advertising services are paid for or received without
charge.
[28]
The statutory scheme provides further support for the
view that the Act’s registration requirement does not catch individual
expression on election issues.
[29]
Section 228 defines “value of election advertising” as:
(a) the price paid for preparing and conducting
the election advertising, or
(b) the market value of preparing and conducting
the election advertising, if no price is paid or if the price paid is lower
than the market value.
[30]
Like its definition of “sponsor of election advertising”, the
Act’s definition of “value of election advertising” indicates
that election advertising must either be conducted at a sponsor’s expense or
else be provided to the sponsor without charge. Further, “preparing and
conducting the election advertising” must have a “price paid” that can be
assessed in relation to — and, in some
circumstances, can be “lower than” — its “market
value”. The “value of election advertising”, thus defined, determines whether
the sponsor must file a disclosure report in accordance with ss. 244 and 245.
It is also measured against the advertising limits in s. 235.1. The Act
contemplates that, to be subject to these requirements, a sponsor will have either
paid a price for or received without charge the services of preparing and
conducting election advertising, and that these services will have a market
value against which the price paid for them may be measured. The definition of
“sponsor” in s. 229(1) can and should be read harmoniously with this
description. Sponsorship cannot be a solitary endeavour.
[31]
I therefore conclude that the words of ss. 228, 229, and 239 do not
support the interpretation given to them by the appellant, British Columbia’s
Chief Electoral Officer, or the courts below. The words of the Act, read in
their grammatical and ordinary sense and harmoniously with the statutory
scheme, limit the registration requirement to “sponsors” — i.e., individuals
and organizations who receive advertising services from others
in undertaking election advertising campaigns. The Act uses the concept
of sponsorship to exempt an entire class of political expression — namely,
election advertising that is not sponsored — from the registration requirement.
Individuals who neither pay others to advertise nor receive advertising
services without charge are not “sponsors”. They may transmit their own points
of view, whether by posting a handmade sign in a window, or putting a bumper
sticker on a car, or wearing a T-shirt with a message on it, without
registering.
(2)
The Object of the Act and the Intention of the
Legislature
[32]
Interpreting s. 239 as imposing a registration
requirement only on individuals and organizations who receive services from
others in undertaking election advertising campaigns —
and who thus “sponsor” election advertising within the meaning of the Act — is consistent with the purpose of the Act and the intention of the
British Columbia legislature. Here, history provides helpful context.
[33]
The Election Act, S.B.C. 1995, c. 51,
passed the legislature in 1995. At second reading, the province’s Attorney
General described the legislation’s “cornerstones” as “fairness,
openness, and accessibility of the electoral process” and
declared that “[t]he process is not open if ordinary citizens cannot
clearly see what forces influence those who sit in this House
representing them”: British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Official Report
of Debates of the Legislative Assembly (Hansard), Vol. 21, No. 16, 4th
Sess., 35th Parl., June 27, 1995, at p. 16240 (emphasis added). With respect to
the Act’s third party expenditure limits, he said:
It is obvious that a limit on
candidates wouldn’t work very well and wouldn’t be fair if third parties were
not limited in their advertising spending as well. Third parties could step
in and conduct parallel advertising campaigns that would foster the kind of
unfair dominance of the electoral process that we’re trying to correct.
Limits on candidate spending in that scenario would be meaningless. [Emphasis
added; p. 16241.]
[34]
These statements support the conclusion that the
purpose of the registration requirement is to allow the public to know who is
behind, or “sponsoring”, election advertising. It was intended to require
individuals and organizations who “conduct parallel advertising campaigns” —
and who can be described as “forces” that “influence” provincial elections — to
register, so the public knows who they are. The legislative purpose, at the
time of the Act’s enactment, was to allow “ordinary citizens” to “clearly see”
who is behind the messages they receive during a campaign period, thus
promoting informed voting.
[35]
The registration requirement was not aimed at
curbing the expression of an individual who, in an act of self-expression,
places a sign in his window or a bumper sticker on his car, or wears a T-shirt
with a political message. The question of who is “behind” or immediately
responsible for the content of the message does not — indeed, cannot — arise in
such cases. Registration would serve no purpose.
[36]
The Act’s legislative history confirms that
registration was not intended to be a prerequisite for individual
self-expression. From its enactment in 1995 until its amendment in 2002 (Election
Statutes Amendment Act, 2002, S.B.C. 2002, c. 60), s. 229(1) of the Act
referred not only to sponsors of “election advertising”, as it does now, but
also to sponsors of “election opinion survey[s]”. It defined the “sponsor of
election advertising or an election opinion survey” as either “the individual
or organization who pays for the election advertising or election opinion
survey to be conducted” or who is “provided” the “services of conducting the
advertising or survey . . . without charge as a contribution”. A
“sponsor of election advertising” was simply an individual or organization who
paid to “conduct” that advertising in the same manner that an individual or
organization would pay to “conduct” an opinion survey. Just as, in any ordinary
sense, paying for an opinion survey “to be conducted” or receiving “the
services of conducting the . . . survey . . . without charge” entails more than
asking questions of passersby, so too does paying for election advertising “to
be conducted” entail more than handing out campaign literature to those same
passersby. Both forms of sponsorship were originally defined together because
both were directed at organized campaign activities involving the provision and
receipt of services, whether polling services or advertising services. The Act,
as enacted, did not seek to catch the person who merely asks survey questions,
nor did it intend to include the person who merely hands out flyers — or otherwise engages in individual self-expression. Subsequent deletion of the references to opinion surveys did not change
this intention.
[37]
This conclusion is buttressed by other
since-excised provisions of the Act pertaining to opinion surveys. Section
235(1) formerly required that “an individual or organization who first
publishes in British Columbia the results of an election opinion survey” during
a campaign period must also publish, among other things, “the name of the
sponsor of the survey” and “the name of the individual or organization
who conducted the survey”, as well as various information about the survey’s
methodology. These publication requirements were struck down as an unjustified
infringement of s. 2 (b) of the Charter in Pacific Press v.
British Columbia (Attorney General), 2000 BCSC 248, 73 B.C.L.R. (3d) 264,
which led to their repeal by the Election Statutes Amendment Act, 2002.
Still, the Act, as originally enacted, required the disclosure both of the
survey’s sponsor and of the individual or group who conducted it. This
indicates that to “sponsor” an election opinion survey would entail having
another individual or organization “conduc[t]” it, and that “conduct[ing]” such
a survey would involve some discernible methodology. The conclusion that these
provisions were directed at organized campaign activities involving the
provision and receipt of services is, in my view, inescapable.
[38]
In removing references to opinion surveys in
2002, the legislature did not expand the ambit of the definition of “sponsor”
in s. 229(1); it remains an individual or organization who pays some other
individual or organization to “conduct” election advertising, or who receives
“the services of conducting the advertising . . . without charge” from some
other individual or organization. The lone pamphleteer on whose political
expression the appellant’s case relies is not included in this description. In
my view, considering the text and context of the Act, the legislature never
intended otherwise.
(3)
Who Must Register?
[39]
For the reasons discussed, I conclude that a “sponsor” required to
register is an individual or organization who receives a service from another
individual or organization in undertaking an election advertising campaign,
whether in exchange for payment or without charge as a contribution.
Individuals engaged in political self-expression do not come within the
definition of “sponsor” in s. 229(1), and need not register.
[40]
The foregoing interpretation limits not only the
scope of the Act’s registration requirement, but also of its attribution
requirement (s. 231), its disclosure requirement (s. 244) and its expenditure
limits (s. 235.1). An individual working entirely on his own, without paying
for or receiving any service in the creation or dissemination of election
advertising, is not required to comply with any of these provisions of the Act.
This is consistent with the legislative purpose of the Act’s third party
advertising provisions, which, as I have discussed, is to provide the public
with information about those engaged in organized advertising campaigns during
an election period, not to put conditions on individual self-expression. When
an individual himself distributes handmade flyers, there is no question of who
is responsible for that advertising, and so the attribution and disclosure
provisions — like the registration requirement — would serve no purpose.
[41]
Throughout this action, the Attorney General of British Columbia’s
position was consistent with the interpretation of s. 239 that I have put
forward. In its pleadings, it expressly denied the appellant’s allegation that
s. 239 “forces people to register with a government agency before being able to
freely engage in political expression”. In its factum, it asserted that “the
posting of a hand-made sign in a car window, or the wearing of a hand-made
T-shirt . . . are not in fact instances of sponsorship triggering the registration
requirement”.
[42]
It is true that, at one point in oral argument, counsel
for the Attorney General of British Columbia appeared to concur in the
suggestion that an individual who produces homemade signage containing an
advertising message during an election campaign, having paid for the materials
with which that signage is produced, could be a “sponsor of election
advertising” for the purposes of the Act and subject to the registration
requirement in s. 239. The Attorney General’s position on the record, however,
is clear: s. 239 does not capture the cases of political expression on which
the appellant relies.
(4)
Conclusion on the Scope and Nature of the
Infringement of Section 2 (b)
[43]
Sponsors of election advertising cannot engage
in political expression in the form of sponsored election advertising unless
they first register. A “sponsor” is an individual or organization who receives
a service from another individual or organization in undertaking an election
advertising campaign. As the Attorney General of British Columbia concedes, s.
239 of the British Columbia Election Act infringes the right of
expression of individuals and organizations who are “sponsors” of election
advertising. It does not infringe the right of expression of those who are not.
[44]
I acknowledge that, in a close case, whether a
particular individual or organization is caught by the Act’s definition of
“sponsor” may prove difficult to determine. No such case is before us, however.
The foregoing is a sufficient basis on which to decide the issue on this appeal
— namely, whether “sponsors” who spend less than $500 on election advertising
during a given campaign period may constitutionally be required to register.
B.
Is the Infringement Justified Under Section 1?
[45]
No one contends that the limit on expression
imposed by requiring sponsors of election advertising, as described above, to
register would not be justified under s. 1 of the Charter . The
appellant’s argument that the limit is not justified under s. 1 is predicated
on a much broader construction of ss. 229(1) and 239 — one that would limit the
free political expression of individuals in the form of handmade signs, bumper
stickers, and T-shirts.
[46]
Nor does the appellant submit that the
registration requirement is unconstitutional with respect to all
sponsors of election advertising. It is only those sponsors who spend less than
$500 whom the appellant says cannot constitutionally be required to register.
The only question, then, is whether the limit on the expression of sponsors who
receive services in undertaking election advertising campaigns and who spend
less than $500 is justified under s. 1 .
[47]
A comparison with Harper suggests that
this limit on expression is demonstrably justified as a reasonable limit in a
free and democratic society. In Harper, this Court unanimously held that
requiring those who spend more than $500 on election advertising to register
was a justifiable limit on s. 2 (b). The threshold for registration in
this case — sponsorship of election advertising — is similarly reasonable and
demonstrably justified.
[48]
The Canada Elections Act and the British
Columbia Election Act each apply their respective registration
requirements to some, but not all, third party advertisers. Under the federal
legislation at issue in Harper, only third parties who “incu[r] election
advertising expenses of a total amount of $500” must register: s. 353(1) . Under
the British Columbia legislation, only third parties who “sponsor election
advertising” must register: s. 239(1). While Parliament has selected a quantitative
threshold, the British Columbia legislature has opted for a qualitative one.
Each threshold is low, but each permits small-scale individual election
advertising without registration.
[49]
The appellant argues that the British Columbia
provisions limit spontaneous or unplanned election advertising in a way that
the federal legislation at issue in Harper does not. The courts below
agreed. It is true that the two registration requirements are triggered at
different times: the Canada Elections Act requires a third party to
register “immediately after” the $500 threshold is reached (s. 353(1) ), while
the British Columbia Election Act prohibits a third party “who is not
registered” from sponsoring election advertising (s. 239(1)). However, on the
interpretation of s. 239 adopted here, the difference diminishes to
insignificance. Section 239 limits spontaneous or unplanned sponsorship
of election advertising. The federal and British Columbia registration
requirements apply at different times because of the difference between the
former’s quantitative threshold and the latter’s qualitative threshold. When
all third party advertising expenses are included, as under the federal law, it
may not be possible to anticipate precisely when the $500 threshold will be reached.
But when only third party sponsorship is included, advance registration
is appropriate; by its very nature, an organized election advertising campaign
cannot be undertaken to its sponsor’s surprise.
[50]
The conclusion suggested by comparing this case
to Harper is confirmed by the test for justification set out in R. v.
Oakes, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103.
[51]
The purpose of the registration requirement, the
courts below held, is “to increase transparency, openness, and public
accountability in the electoral process, and thus to promote an informed
electorate”: trial reasons, at para. 116, quoted in C.A. reasons, at para. 41.
I agree. This objective is pressing and substantial: Harper, at para.
142.
[52]
The registration requirement for sponsors of
election advertising is rationally connected to this objective: Harper,
at para. 143.
[53]
The limit is minimally impairing. By confining
the registration requirement to sponsors and exempting individual political
self-expression by persons who are not sponsors, s. 239 tailors the impingement
on expression to what is required by the object of the Act. Moreover, the forms
of advertising likely to be “sponsored” within the meaning of the British
Columbia Election Act are also likely to be subject to the Act’s
attribution requirements, which the Appellant does not challenge.
[54]
The registration requirement’s deleterious
effects are limited. There may be small groups of British Columbians who wish
to disseminate their views in a manner that would constitute sponsorship of
election advertising below $500, but who are unwilling first to register their
intention to do so with the government, even if they are prepared to comply
with the Act’s attribution provisions. Their political expression would be
chilled by the registration requirement. Others may be deterred by the
requirement to register in advance. However, these impingements on the s. 2 (b)
right are limited, since only political expression in the form of sponsorship
of election advertising stands to be delayed or inhibited. Sponsorship, as discussed,
involves receiving advertising services. It is an organized activity that
involves at least two, and usually more, people. It is by its nature not
spontaneous. Moreover, there will be few cases in which an individual or group
is subject to the registration requirement in s. 239 but not the attribution
requirement under s. 231 and the Election Advertising Regulation, and so
the number of sponsors for whom s. 239 is the sole reason they cannot protect
their anonymity will be few. The registration process is simple and unlikely to
deter much, if any, expression in which a sponsor would otherwise engage.
[55]
Against these limited deleterious effects must
be weighed the benefits of the scheme. The registration requirement permits the
British Columbia public to know who is engaged in organized advocacy in their
elections, by creating and maintaining a register of sponsors. The provision
ensures that those who sponsor election advertising must provide the public
with an assurance, in the form of a signed statement, that they are in
compliance with British Columbia’s election law. Finally, registration provides
the Chief Electoral Officer with information that can assist in the enforcement
of the Act and in informing sponsors of its requirements.
[56]
In my view, the benefits of requiring sponsors
of election advertising to register outweigh the deleterious effects on
sponsors’ s. 2 (b) right.
[57]
The appellant argues that the Attorney General
of British Columbia was obligated to lead more evidence than it did in order to
discharge its burden of justification under s. 1 of the Charter . I
cannot agree.
[58]
In Harper, as well as in R. v. Bryan,
2007 SCC 12, [2007] 1 S.C.R. 527, and Thomson Newspapers Co. v. Canada
(Attorney General), [1998] 1 S.C.R. 877, this Court considered the
evidentiary standard that applies at the justification stage in the election
law context. I do not read Harper, Bryan, and Thomson
Newspapers as precluding cases in which such an infringement may be
justified under s. 1 despite a lack of social science evidence. By not leading
social science evidence at this stage, the Attorney General of British Columbia
has seriously diminished its ability to justify the infringement of a Charter
right, but it has not eliminated it; though logic and reason, without assistance,
can only go so far, they can go far enough. Where the scope of the infringement
is minimal, minimal deference to the legislature may suffice and social science
evidence may not be necessary. That is this case.
IV.
Disposition
[59]
I therefore conclude that, though s. 239 of the
British Columbia Election Act trenches on s. 2 (b) of the Charter ,
the infringement is saved by s. 1 .
[60]
I would dismiss the appeal. The parties have
agreed that they will bear their own costs, and so I would order none.
Appeal
dismissed.
Solicitors
for the appellant: Farris, Vaughan, Wills & Murphy, Vancouver.
Solicitor
for the respondent: Attorney General of British Columbia, Vancouver.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Attorney General of Canada: Attorney General of
Canada, Toronto.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Attorney General of Ontario: Attorney General of
Ontario, Toronto.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Attorney General of Quebec: Attorney General of
Quebec, Québec.
Solicitors
for the intervener the British Columbia Civil Liberties Association: Shapray
Cramer Fitterman Lamer, Vancouver; Blake Cassels & Graydon, Vancouver.
Solicitors for the intervener the
Canadian Civil Liberties Association: Lerners, Toronto.