SUPREME
COURT OF CANADA
Between:
Manasie
Ipeelee
Appellant
and
Her
Majesty The Queen
Respondent
-
and -
Director
of Public Prosecutions and Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.
Interveners
And
Between:
Her
Majesty The Queen
Appellant
and
Frank
Ralph Ladue
Respondent
-
and -
British
Columbia Civil Liberties Association and Canadian Civil Liberties Association
Interveners
Coram: McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish, Abella and
Rothstein JJ.
Reasons
for Judgment:
(paras. 1 to 98):
Reasons
Dissenting in Part:
(paras. 99 to 157):
|
LeBel J. (McLachlin C.J. and Binnie,
Deschamps, Fish and Abella JJ. concurring)
Rothstein J.
|
R. v.
Ipeelee, 2012 SCC 13, [2012] 1 S.C.R. 433
Manasie
Ipeelee Appellant
v.
Her Majesty The
Queen Respondent
and
Director of Public Prosecutions and
Aboriginal
Legal Services of Toronto Inc. Interveners
- and -
Her Majesty
The Queen Appellant
v.
Frank Ralph
Ladue Respondent
and
British Columbia Civil Liberties
Association and
Canadian
Civil Liberties Association Interveners
Indexed as: R. v. Ipeelee
2012 SCC 13
File Nos.: 33650, 34245.
2011: October 17; 2012: March 23.
Present: McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish,
Abella and Rothstein JJ.
on appeal from the courts of appeal for
ontario and british columbia
Criminal law — Sentencing
— Aboriginal offenders — Breach of condition of long‑term supervision
order — Principles governing sentencing of Aboriginal offenders — Whether
principles outlined in R. v. Gladue apply to breach of long‑term
supervision order — Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‑46, s. 718.2 (e).
These two appeals involve
Aboriginal offenders with long criminal records. Both Aboriginal offenders
were declared long‑term offenders and had long‑term supervision
orders (“LTSOs”) imposed. The offender I is an alcoholic with a history of committing
violent offences when intoxicated. He was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment
followed by an LTSO after being designated a long‑term offender. After
his release from prison, I committed an offence while intoxicated thereby
breaching a condition of his LTSO. He was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment,
less six months of pre‑sentence custody at a 1:1 credit rate. The Court
of Appeal dismissed the appeal brought by I. The offender L is addicted to
drugs and alcohol and has a history of committing sexual assaults when
intoxicated. L was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment followed by an LTSO
after being designated a long‑term offender. After his release from
prison, he failed a urinalysis test; thereby breaching a condition of his LTSO.
L was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment, less five months of pre‑sentence
custody at a 1.5:1 rate. A majority of the Court of Appeal allowed L’s appeal
and reduced the sentence to one year’s imprisonment.
Held (Rothstein J. dissenting in
part): The appeal should be allowed in Ipeelee. The
appeal should be dismissed in Ladue.
Per McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel,
Deschamps, Fish and Abella JJ.: The central issue in these appeals is how
to determine a fit sentence for a breach of an LTSO in the case of an
Aboriginal offender in particular. Trial judges enjoy a broad discretion in
the sentencing process. A sentencing judge has a duty to apply all of the
principles mandated by ss. 718.1 and 718.2 of the Criminal Code in
order to devise a fit and proper sentence which respects the well‑established
principles and objectives of sentencing set out in Part XXIII of the Criminal
Code . Proportionality is the sine qua non of a just sanction. Proportionality,
the fundamental principle of sentencing, is intimately tied to the fundamental
purpose of sentencing — the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society
through the imposition of just sanctions. An appellate court must be satisfied
that the sentence under review is proportionate to both the gravity of the
offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.
The purpose of an LTSO is two‑fold:
to protect the public and to rehabilitate offenders and reintegrate them into
the community. It is the sentencing judge’s duty, adopting a contextual
approach, to determine which sentencing options will be proportionate to both
the gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. Sentencing
is an individual process. The severity of a given breach will ultimately
depend on all of the circumstances, including the nature of the condition
breached, how that condition is tied to managing the particular offender’s risk
of reoffence, and the circumstances of the breach.
Section 718.2 (e) of
the Criminal Code is a remedial provision designed to ameliorate the
serious problem of overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in Canadian prisons,
and to encourage sentencing judges to have recourse to a restorative approach
to sentencing. Courts must ensure that a formalistic approach to parity in
sentencing does not undermine the remedial purpose of s. 718.2 (e).
Section 718.2 (e) does more than affirm existing principles of
sentencing; it calls upon judges to use a different method of analysis in
determining a fit sentence for Aboriginal offenders. The enactment of s. 718.2 (e)
is a specific direction by Parliament to pay particular attention to the
circumstances of Aboriginal offenders during the sentencing process because
those circumstances are unique and different from those of non‑Aboriginal
offenders. To the extent that current sentencing practices do not further the
objectives of deterring criminality and rehabilitating offenders, those
practices must change so as to meet the needs of Aboriginal offenders and their
communities. Sentencing judges, as front‑line workers in the criminal
justice system, are in the best position to re‑evaluate these criteria to
ensure that they are not contributing to ongoing systemic racial discrimination.
Just sanctions are those that do not operate in a discriminatory manner.
When sentencing an Aboriginal
offender, a judge must consider the factors outlined in R. v. Gladue,
[1999] 1 S.C.R. 688: (a) the unique systemic or background factors which
may have played a part in bringing the particular Aboriginal offender before
the courts; and (b) the types of sentencing procedures and sanctions which
may be appropriate in the circumstances for the offender because of his or her
particular Aboriginal heritage or connection. Systemic and background factors
may bear on the culpability of the offender, to the extent that they shed light
on his or her level of moral blameworthiness. Failing to take these
circumstances into account would violate the fundamental principle of
sentencing — that the sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the
offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. The Gladue
principles direct sentencing judges to abandon the presumption that all
offenders and all communities share the same values when it comes to sentencing
and to recognize that, given these fundamentally different world views,
different or alternative sanctions may more effectively achieve the objectives
of sentencing in a particular community. The principles from Gladue are
entirely consistent with the requirement that sentencing judges engage in an
individualized assessment of all of the relevant factors and circumstances,
including the status and life experiences, of the person standing before them. Gladue
affirms this requirement and recognizes that, up to this point, Canadian
courts have failed to take into account the unique circumstances of Aboriginal
offenders that bear on the sentencing process. Section 718.2 (e) is
intended to remedy this failure by directing judges to craft sentences in a
manner that is meaningful to Aboriginal peoples.
When sentencing an Aboriginal
offender, courts must take judicial notice of such matters as the history of
colonialism, displacement, and residential schools and how that history
continues to translate into lower educational attainment, lower incomes, higher
unemployment, higher rates of substance abuse and suicide, and of course higher
levels of incarceration for Aboriginal peoples. These matters provide the
necessary context for understanding and evaluating the case‑specific
information presented by counsel. However, these matters, on their own, do not
necessarily justify a different sentence for Aboriginal offenders. Furthermore,
there is nothing in the Gladue decision which would indicate that
background and systemic factors should not also be taken into account for
other, non‑Aboriginal offenders. The parity principle which is contained
in s. 718.2 (b) means that any disparity between sanctions for
different offenders needs to be justified. To the extent that the application
of the Gladue principles lead to different sanctions for Aboriginal
offenders, those sanctions will be justified based on their unique
circumstances — circumstances which are rationally related to the sentencing
process. Counsel has a duty to bring individualized information before the
court in every case, unless the offender expressly waives his right to have it
considered. A Gladue report, which contains case‑specific
information, is tailored to the specific circumstances of the Aboriginal
offender. A Gladue report is an indispensable sentencing tool to be
provided at a sentencing hearing for an Aboriginal offender and it is also
indispensable to a judge in fulfilling his duties under s. 718.2 (e)
of the Criminal Code .
The sentencing judge has a
statutory duty, imposed by s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code ,
to consider the unique circumstances of Aboriginal offenders. If the
sentencing judge fails to apply the Gladue principles in any case
involving an Aboriginal offender this would run afoul of this statutory
obligation. Furthermore, the failure to apply the Gladue principles in
any case would also result in a sentence that is not fit and is not consistent
with the fundamental principle of proportionality. Therefore, application of
the Gladue principles is required in every case involving an Aboriginal
offender, including the breach of an LTSO, and a failure to do so constitutes
an error justifying appellate intervention.
In the instant case of I, the
courts below made several errors in principle warranting appellate intervention.
The courts below erred in concluding that rehabilitation was not a relevant
sentencing objective. As a result of this error, the courts below gave only
attenuated consideration to I’s circumstances as an Aboriginal offender. A
sentence of one year’s imprisonment should be substituted. In the instant case
of L, the decision of the majority of the Court of Appeal is well founded and
adequately reflects the principles and objectives of sentencing. The appeal is
dismissed and the sentence of one year’s imprisonment is affirmed.
Per Rothstein J. (dissenting in part): In
sentencing for the breach of a condition of an LTSO, which is central to the
risk of the long‑term offender violently reoffending, the protection of
the public, more so than the rehabilitation or reintegration of the offender,
must be the dominant consideration of the sentencing judge in the determination
of a fit and proper sentence. The majority in this case does not specifically
address the issue of the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders who have been found
to be long‑term offenders and have been found guilty of breaching a
condition of an LTSO. They have not taken account of the difference between
the objectives and requirements of LTSOs for long‑term offenders who
abide by the conditions of their LTSOs and the objectives and requirements of
sentencing long‑term offenders who have breached a condition of their
LTSOs.
The breach of an LTSO raises
serious concerns that rehabilitation and reintegration are not being achieved
and calls into doubt whether, despite supervision, the long‑term offender
has demonstrated that the substantial risk of reoffending in a violent manner
in the community by the long‑term offender can be adequately managed. Section 753.3(1)
of the Criminal Code provides that a breach of an LTSO constitutes an
indictable offence, as opposed to a hybrid offence, with a maximum sentence of 10
years. The maximum term is for the breach of the LTSO exclusively and is not
dependent on the long‑term offender having been found guilty of another
substantive offence, violent or otherwise. The necessary implication is that
Parliament viewed breaches of LTSOs as posing such risk to the protection of
society that long‑term offenders may have to be separated from society
for a significant period of time. Where a breach is central to the substantial
risk of reoffending, such as where alcohol or substance consumption has been
found to be the trigger for violent offences by the long‑term offender,
the breach must be considered to be very serious.
Section 718.2 (e) of
the Criminal Code requires a sentencing judge to consider background and
systemic factors in crafting a sentence, and all available sanctions other than
imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances for all offenders, with
particular attention to Aboriginal offenders, including long‑term
Aboriginal offenders. As with all sentencing, this must be done with regard to
the particular individual, the threat they pose, and their chances of
rehabilitation and reintegration. Evaluating these options lies within the
discretion of the sentencing judge. In the case of long‑term offenders,
the paramount consideration is the protection of society. This applies to all
long‑term offenders, including Aboriginal long‑term offenders who
have compromised the management of their risk of reoffending by breaching a
condition of their LTSOs.
Once an Aboriginal individual is
found to be a long‑term offender, and the offender has breached one or
more conditions of his or her LTSO, alternatives to a significant prison term
will be limited. The alternatives to imprisonment must be viable and the
sentencing judge must be satisfied that they are consistent with protection of
society. Alternatives may include returning Aboriginal offenders to their
communities. However, as in all cases, this must be done with protection of
the public as the paramount concern; Aboriginal communities are not a separate
category entitled to less protection because the offender is Aboriginal. Where
the breach of an LTSO goes to the control of the Aboriginal offender in the
community, rehabilitation and reintegration into society will have faltered, if
not failed. In such case, the sentencing judge may have no alternative but to
separate the Aboriginal long‑term offender from society for a significant
period of time. Nevertheless, during the period of incarceration, the
Aboriginal status of the long‑term offender should be taken into account
for the purpose of providing appropriate programs that are intended to rehabilitate
the offender so that upon release, the substantial risk of reoffending may be
controlled.
In this case, it has not been
shown that the sentence imposed on the offender I was demonstrably unfit and
the appeal should be dismissed. The sentencing judge’s findings demonstrate a
thorough appreciation of the circumstances. He properly recognized that
protection of the public was the paramount concern in breaches of LTSOs. As a
long‑term offender, I has been found to show a pattern of repetitive behaviour
with a likelihood of causing death or physical or psychological injury or a
likelihood of causing injury, pain or other evil to other persons in the future
through failure to control his sexual impulses. His alcohol consumption is
central to such behaviour.
With respect to the offender L, one
year’s imprisonment was a fit and proper sentence and the appeal should be
dismissed. The sentencing judge did not err in focussing on protection of
society as the paramount consideration in her sentencing decision. The
sentencing judge found that the only way to protect the community, given L’s
high risk of reoffending sexually and moderate to high risk of reoffending
violently, was to emphasize the objective of isolation. She noted that even if
L did not commit a substantive offence, his breach was serious. But this was a
case where there was a realistic opportunity for rehabilitation that was denied
L because of a “bureaucratic error”. The sentencing judge does not appear to
have considered that it was this error that caused L to be sent to a residential
halfway house, which apparently tolerates serious drug abusers and does not
provide programs for Aboriginal offenders. This failure meant that L’s moral
blameworthiness was not properly assessed.
Cases Cited
By LeBel J.
Applied: R. v. Gladue,
[1999] 1 S.C.R. 688; referred to: R. v. Wilmott (1966), 58 D.L.R.
(2d) 33; R. v. Solowan, 2008 SCC 62, [2008] 3 S.C.R. 309; R.
v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1 S.C.R. 206; Re B.C. Motor Vehicle
Act, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 486; R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500; R.
v. Lyons, [1987] 2 S.C.R. 309; R. v. L.M., 2008 SCC 31, [2008] 2
S.C.R. 163; R. v. W. (H.P.), 2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20; R.
v. Nelson, [2007] O.J. No. 5704 (QL); R. v. Deacon, 2004 BCCA
78, 193 B.C.A.C. 228; R. v. Laliberte, 2000 SKCA 27, 189 Sask. R. 190; R.
v. Wells, 2000 SCC 10, [2000] 1 S.C.R. 207; R. v. Vermette, 2001
MBCA 64, 156 Man. R. (2d) 120; R. v. Skani, 2002 ABQB 1097, 331 A.R. 50;
R. v. Poucette, 1999 ABCA 305, 250 A.R. 55; R. v. Gladue, 1999
ABCA 279, 46 M.V.R. (3d) 183; R. v. Andres, 2002 SKCA 98, 223 Sask. R.
121; R. v. Collins, 2011 ONCA 182, 277 O.A.C. 88; R. v. Jack,
2008 BCCA 437, 261 B.C.A.C. 245; R. v. Carrière (2002), 164 C.C.C. (3d)
569; R. v. Kakekagamick (2006), 214 O.A.C. 127; R. v. Jensen
(2005), 196 O.A.C. 119; R. v. Abraham, 2000 ABCA 159, 261 A.R. 192.
By Rothstein J. (dissenting in part)
R. v. W. (H.P.), 2003 ABCA
131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20; R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688; R. v.
M. (C.A.), [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500; R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010]
1 S.C.R. 206.
Statutes and Regulations
Cited
Act to amend the Criminal Code, S.C.
1947, c. 55, s. 18.
Act to amend the Criminal Code (high risk offenders), the
Corrections and Conditional Release Act , the Criminal Records Act , the Prisons
and Reformatories Act and the Department of the Solicitor General Act , S.C. 1997, c. 17.
Act to amend the Criminal Code (sentencing) and other Acts in
consequence thereof, S.C. 1995, c. 22,
s. 718.
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,
ss. 7 , 12 .
Corrections and Conditional Release Act,
S.C. 1992, c. 20, ss. 3 , 4 , 100 , 101 , 134.1 , 134.2 , 135.1(1) .
Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations, SOR/92‑620, s. 161.
Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‑46 ,
Part XXIII, ss. 718, 718.1, 718.2, Part XXIV, 753.1, 753.2(1), 753.3(1).
Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1977, S.C.
1977, c. 53, s. 14.
Authors Cited
Brodeur, Jean‑Paul. “On the Sentencing of Aboriginal
Offenders: A Reaction to Stenning and Roberts” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev.
45.
Canada. Department of Justice. Strategies for Managing High‑Risk
Offenders: Report of the Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task Force on High‑Risk
Violent Offenders. Ottawa: The Department, 1995.
Canada. House of Commons. House of Commons Debates, vol. 133,
1st Sess., 35th Parl., September 20, 1994, p. 5876.
Canada. House of Commons. Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence
of the Standing Committee on Justice and Legal Affairs, No. 62, 1st
Sess., 35th Parl., November 17, 1994, p. 15.
Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Bridging the
Cultural Divide: A Report on Aboriginal People and Criminal Justice in Canada.
Ottawa: The Commission, 1996.
Canada.
Royal Commission to Investigate the Penal System of Canada. Report of the
Royal Commission to Investigate the Penal System of Canada (Archambault
Commission). Ottawa: King’s Printer, 1938.
Carter, Mark. “Of Fairness and Faulkner” (2002), 65 Sask. L.
Rev. 63.
Jackson, Michael. “Locking Up Natives in Canada” (1988‑1989),
23 U.B.C. L. Rev. 215.
Manitoba.
Public Inquiry into the Administration of Justice and Aboriginal People. Report
of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba, vol. 1, The Justice
System and Aboriginal People. Winnipeg: The Inquiry, 1991.
Pelletier,
Renée. “The Nullification of Section 718.2(e): Aggravating Aboriginal
Over‑representation in Canadian Prisons” (2001), 39 Osgoode Hall L.J.
469.
Quigley,
Tim. “Some Issues in Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders”, in Richard Gosse,
James Youngblood Henderson and Roger Carter, eds., Continuing Poundmaker and
Riel’s Quest: Presentations Made at a Conference on Aboriginal Peoples and
Justice. Saskatoon: Purich Publishing, 1994, 269.
Roach,
Kent. “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Gladue at Ten and in the
Courts of Appeal” (2009), 54 Crim. L.Q. 470.
Roberts,
Julian V., and Ronald Melchers. “The Incarceration of Aboriginal
Offenders: Trends from 1978 to 2001” (2003), 45 Can. J. Crim. & Crim.
Just. 211.
Rudin,
Jonathan. “Aboriginal Over‑representation and R. v. Gladue:
Where We Were, Where We Are and Where We Might Be Going”, in Jamie Cameron and
James Stribopoulos, eds., The Charter and Criminal Justice: Twenty‑Five
Years Later. Markham, Ont.: LexisNexis Canada, 2008, 687.
Rudin,
Jonathan. “Addressing Aboriginal Overrepresentation Post‑Gladue: A
Realistic Assessment of How Social Change Occurs” (2009), 54 Crim. L.Q.
447.
Rudin, Jonathan, and Kent Roach. “Broken Promises: A Response
to Stenning and Roberts’ ‘Empty Promises’” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 3.
Stenning, Philip, and Julian V. Roberts. “Empty Promises:
Parliament, The Supreme Court, and the Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders”
(2001), 64 Sask. L. Rev. 137.
APPEAL from a judgment of the Ontario
Court of Appeal (Laskin, Sharpe and Cronk JJ.A.), 2009 ONCA 892, 99 O.R. (3d) 419, 264 O.A.C.
392, [2009] O.J. No. 5402 (QL), 2009 CarswellOnt 7783, affirming a sentence
imposed by Megginson J., [2009] O.J. No. 6413 (QL), 2009 CarswellOnt 7864. Appeal allowed,
Rothstein J. dissenting.
APPEAL from
a judgment of the British Columbia Court of Appeal (Levine, Chiasson and Bennett JJ.A.), 2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93, 511 W.A.C.
93, 271 C.C.C. (3d) 90, [2011] 2 C.N.L.R. 277, [2011] B.C.J. No. 366 (QL),
2011 CarswellBC 428, varying a sentence imposed by Bagnall Prov. Ct. J., 2010 BCPC 410 (CanLII), [2010] B.C.J. No. 2824
(QL), 2010 CarswellBC 3822. Appeal dismissed.
Fergus J.
(Chip) O’Connor, for the appellant Manasie Ipeelee.
Gillian Roberts, for
the respondent Her Majesty The Queen.
Susanne
Boucher and François Lacasse, for the intervener the Director
of Public Prosecutions.
Jonathan
Rudin and Amanda Driscoll, for
the intervener the Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.
Mary T.
Ainslie, for the appellant Her Majesty The Queen.
Hovan M.
Patey, Lawrence D. Myers, Q.C., and Kristy L.
Neurauter, for the respondent Frank Ralph Ladue.
Kelly
Doctor, for the intervener the British Columbia Civil
Liberties Association.
Written submissions only by Clayton C.
Ruby, Nader R. Hasan and Gerald J.
Chan, for the intervener the Canadian Civil Liberties
Association.
The
judgment of McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish and Abella JJ.
was delivered by
LeBel J. —
I. Introduction
[1]
These two appeals raise the issue of the
principles governing the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders for breaches of
long-term supervision orders (“LTSOs”). Both appeals concern Aboriginal
offenders with long criminal records. They provide an opportunity to revisit
and reaffirm the judgment of this Court in R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R.
688. I propose to allow the offender’s appeal in Ipeelee and to dismiss
the Crown’s appeal in Ladue.
II. Manasie Ipeelee
A. Background and Criminal History
[2]
Mr. Manasie Ipeelee is an Inuk man who was born
and raised in Iqaluit, Nunavut. His life story is far removed from the
experience of most Canadians. His mother was an alcoholic. She froze to death
when Manasie Ipeelee was five years old. He was raised by his maternal
grandmother and grandfather, both of whom are now deceased. Mr. Ipeelee began
consuming alcohol when he was 11 years old and quickly developed a serious
alcohol addiction. He dropped out of school shortly thereafter. His involvement
with the criminal justice system began in 1985, when he was only 12 years old.
[3]
Mr. Ipeelee is presently 39 years old. He has
spent a significant proportion of his life in custody or under some form of
community supervision. His youth record contains approximately three dozen
convictions. The majority of those offences were property-related, including
breaking and entering, theft, and taking a vehicle without consent (joyriding).
There were also convictions for failure to comply with an undertaking, breach
of probation, and being unlawfully at large. Mr. Ipeelee’s adult record
contains another 24 convictions, many of which are for similar types of
offences. He has also committed violent crimes. His record includes two
convictions for assault causing bodily harm and one conviction each for
aggravated assault, sexual assault, and sexual assault causing bodily harm. I
will describe these offences in greater detail, as they provided the basis for
his eventual designation as a long-term offender.
[4]
In December 1992, Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty to
assault causing bodily harm. He and a friend assaulted a man who was refusing
them entry to his home. Mr. Ipeelee was intoxicated at the time. During
the fight, he hit the victim over the head with an ashtray and with a chair. He
was sentenced to 21 days’ imprisonment and one year’s probation.
[5]
In December 1993, Mr. Ipeelee again pleaded
guilty to assault causing bodily harm. The incident took place outside a bar in
Iqaluit and both Mr. Ipeelee and the victim were intoxicated. Witnesses saw Mr.
Ipeelee kicking the victim in the face at least 10 times, and the assault
continued after the victim lost consciousness. The victim was hospitalized for
his injuries. At the time of the offence, Mr. Ipeelee was on probation. He
received a sentence of five months’ imprisonment.
[6]
In November 1994, Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty to
aggravated assault. The incident involved another altercation outside the same
bar in Iqaluit. Once more, both Mr. Ipeelee and the victim were intoxicated.
During the fight, Mr. Ipeelee hit and kicked the victim. After the victim lost
consciousness, Mr. Ipeelee continued to hit him and stomp on his face. The
victim suffered a broken jaw and had to be sent to Montréal for treatment. Mr.
Ipeelee was once again on probation at the time of the offence. He was
sentenced to 14 months’ imprisonment.
[7]
Mr. Ipeelee received an early release from that
sentence in the fall of 1995. Approximately three weeks later, while still
technically serving his sentence, he committed a sexual assault. The female
victim had been drinking in her apartment in Iqaluit with Mr. Ipeelee and
others, and was passed out from intoxication. Witnesses observed Mr. Ipeelee
and another man carrying the victim into her room. Mr. Ipeelee was later seen
having sex with the unconscious woman on her bed. Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to
two years’ imprisonment. He remained in custody until his warrant expiry date
in February 1999, as Corrections Canada officials deemed him to be a high risk
to reoffend.
[8]
After serving his sentence, Mr. Ipeelee moved to
Yellowknife. He began drinking within one half-hour of his arrival and was
arrested for public intoxication that evening, and again 24 hours later. In the
six months leading up to his next conviction, he was arrested at least nine
more times for public intoxication.
[9]
On August 21, 1999, Mr. Ipeelee committed another
sexual assault, this one causing bodily harm, which led to his designation as a
long-term offender. Mr. Ipeelee, while intoxicated, entered an abandoned
van that homeless persons frequented. Inside, a 50-year-old woman was sleeping.
She awoke to find Mr. Ipeelee removing her pants. She struggled and Mr. Ipeelee
began punching her in the face. When she called out for help, he told her to
shut up or he would kill her. He then sexually assaulted her. The victim was
finally able to escape when Mr. Ipeelee fell asleep. He was arrested and the
victim was taken to the hospital to be treated for her injuries.
[10]
At the sentencing hearing for this offence,
Richard J. of the Northwest Territories Supreme Court noted that Mr. Ipeelee’s
criminal record “shows a consistent pattern of Mr. Ipeelee administering
gratuitous violence against vulnerable, helpless people while he is in a state
of intoxication” (R. v. Ipeelee, 2001 NWTSC 33, [2001] N.W.T.J. No. 30
(QL), at para. 34). The expert evidence produced at the sentencing hearing
indicated that Mr. Ipeelee did not suffer from any major mental illness and had
average to above average intelligence. However, he was diagnosed as having both
an antisocial personality disorder and a severe alcohol abuse disorder. The expert
evidence also indicated that Mr. Ipeelee presented a high-moderate to high risk
for violent reoffence, and a high-moderate risk for sexual reoffence. After
evaluating all of the evidence, Richard J. concluded that there was a
substantial risk that Mr. Ipeelee would reoffend and designated him a long-term
offender under s. 753.1(1) of the Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c.
C-46 . Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment for the sexual assault,
to be followed by a 10-year LTSO.
B. The Current Offence
[11]
Mr. Ipeelee was detained until his warrant
expiry date for the 1999 sexual assault causing bodily harm. His LTSO came into
effect on March 14, 2007, when he was released from Kingston Penitentiary to
the Portsmouth Community Correctional Centre in Kingston. One of the conditions
of Mr. Ipeelee’s LTSO is that he abstain from using alcohol.
[12]
Mr. Ipeelee’s LTSO was suspended on four
occasions: from June 13 to July 5, 2007, for deteriorating performance and
behaviour, and attitude problems; from July 23 to September 14, 2007, for
sleeping in the living room and the kitchen, contrary to house rules; from
September 24 to October 24, 2007, for being agitated and noncompliant, and for
refusing urinalysis; and from October 25, 2007, to May 20, 2008, as a result of
a fraud charge being laid against him (the charge was subsequently withdrawn).
Mr. Ipeelee served those periods of suspension at the Kingston Penitentiary.
[13]
On August 20, 2008, the police found Mr. Ipeelee
riding his bicycle erratically in downtown Kingston. He was obviously
intoxicated and had two bottles of alcohol in his possession. He was charged
with breaching a condition of his LTSO, contrary to s. 753.3(1) of the Criminal
Code . Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty to that offence on November 14, 2008.
C. Judicial History
(1) Ontario Court of Justice, [2009] O.J.
No. 6413 (QL)
[14]
On February 24, 2009, Megginson J. of the
Ontario Court of Justice sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to three years’ imprisonment,
less six months of pre-sentence custody at a 1:1 credit rate. He emphasized the
serious nature of the offence, stating:
On
its facts, this was a serious and not at all trivial breach of a very
fundamental condition of the offender’s [LTSO]. It is a very central and
essential condition, because alcohol abuse was involved, not only in the
“predicate” offence, but also in most of the offences on the offender’s
criminal record. On his history, Mr. Ipeelee becomes violent when he abuses
alcohol, and he was assessed as posing a significant risk of re-offending
sexually. Defence counsel argued that the facts of the present breach disclose
no movement toward committing another sexual offence, but I think that is
beside the point. [para. 10]
[15]
Megginson J. held that, when sentencing an
offender for breach of an LTSO, the paramount consideration is the protection
of the public and rehabilitation plays only a small role. With that in mind, he
addressed the requirement imposed by s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code
that he consider Mr. Ipeelee’s unique circumstances as an Aboriginal offender.
He began by noting that Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal status had already been
considered during sentencing for the 1999 offence giving rise to the LTSO. He
went on to conclude that, when protection of the public is the paramount
concern, an offender’s Aboriginal status is of “diminished importance” (para.
15).
(2) Ontario Court of Appeal, 2009 ONCA
892, 99 O.R. (3d) 419
[16]
Mr. Ipeelee appealed his sentence on the grounds
that it was demonstrably unfit, and that the sentencing judge did not give
adequate consideration to his circumstances as an Aboriginal offender. The
Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal.
[17]
Sharpe J.A., writing for the court, was not
convinced that the sentence was demonstrably unfit. He agreed with the
sentencing judge’s characterization of the offence as a serious breach of a
vital condition of the LTSO. Sharpe J.A. found that, despite the sentencing
judge’s comments, Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal status had not factored into the
sentencing decision. He did not, however, think this was an error:
It
is not at all clear to me, however, that in the circumstances of this case,
consideration of his aboriginal status should lead to a reduction in his
sentence for breach of the long-term offender condition. The appellant’s
commission of violent offences and the risk he poses for re-offending when
under the influence of alcohol make the principles of denunciation, deterrence
and protection of the public paramount. This is one of those cases where “the
appropriate sentence will . . . not differ as between aboriginal and
non-aboriginal offenders”: R. v. Carrière, [2002] O.J. No. 1429, 164
C.C.C. (3d) 569 (C.A.), at para. 17. As the appellant has been declared a
long-term offender, “consideration of restorative justice and other features of
aboriginal offender sentencing . . . play little or no role”: R. v. W.
(H.P.), [2003] A.J. No. 479, 327 A.R. 170 (C.A.), at para. 50. [para. 13]
[18]
Sharpe J.A. did concede that Mr. Ipeelee’s
Aboriginal background and the disadvantages he had suffered provided some
insight into his repeated involvement with the criminal justice system. He
concluded, however, that these considerations should not affect the sentence.
He ended his reasons with a plea to correctional authorities to make every
effort to provide Mr. Ipeelee with appropriate Aboriginal-oriented assistance.
III. Frank Ralph Ladue
A. Background and Criminal History
[19]
Mr. Frank Ralph Ladue, now 49 years old, is a
member of the Ross River Dena Council Band, a small community of approximately
500 people located 400 kilometres northeast of Whitehorse in the Yukon
Territory. Mr. Ladue’s parents had severe alcohol abuse problems, so he was
raised by his grandparents. His mother and father both died when Mr. Ladue was
still very young, and records indicate that his mother may have been murdered.
When Mr. Ladue was five years old, he was removed from his community and sent
to residential school, where he alleges he suffered serious physical, sexual,
emotional and spiritual abuse.
[20]
When Mr. Ladue was nine years old, he returned
to Ross River to resume living with his grandparents. The effects of his
residential school experience were readily apparent. He could no longer speak
his traditional language, having been forbidden to do so in residential school.
Unable to communicate his painful experiences to his family, he began drinking
and acting out. Before long, he was living with foster families and spending time
in juvenile detention. Mr. Ladue continued to drink heavily throughout his life
(with the exception of a six-year period of sobriety in the 1990s which
coincided with a period free from criminal convictions). Mr. Ladue also
began using heroin, cocaine and morphine while in a federal penitentiary.
[21]
Mr. Ladue’s life experiences may seem foreign to
most Canadians, but they are all too common in Ross River. The community
suffered a number of abuses in the 1940s when the United States Army was
building a pipeline through the region. There were reports of community members
being assaulted or raped by members of the army. The community was further
traumatized through the residential school experience. The effects of that
collective experience continue to be evident in the high rates of alcohol abuse
and violence in the community.
[22]
The first offence on Mr. Ladue’s criminal record
occurred in 1978 when he was 16 years old. His record lists over 40 convictions
since that time, approximately 10 of which were as a young offender. Some of
the offences are property-related, including taking a vehicle without consent,
mischief, breaking and entering, and theft. Mr. Ladue also has a series of
alcohol-related offences and convictions for failure to comply with various court
orders. His violent offences include robbery convictions in 1978 and 1980, and
common assault convictions in 1979 and 1982. Mr. Ladue has also been convicted
of a number of sexual assaults. These sexual assaults will be described in some
detail, as they ultimately led to his designation as a long-term offender.
[23]
In 1987, Mr. Ladue entered a woman’s bedroom
following a party. He sexually assaulted the victim while she was either
sleeping or passed out from intoxication. In 1997, Mr. Ladue sexually assaulted
another woman who was passed out from intoxication. When she awoke, the bottom
half of her clothing was removed and Mr. Ladue was sexually assaulting
her. Another incident took place in 1998, although it did not lead to a
conviction for sexual assault. Mr. Ladue entered the home of a woman who was
sleeping and placed a sleeping bag over her head and shoulders. He was
interrupted by the woman’s daughter and he fled the residence. Mr. Ladue’s
sentences for these convictions ranged from four months’ imprisonment (for the
1998 offence) to 30 months’ imprisonment.
[24]
Mr. Ladue committed the offence giving rise to
his LTSO on October 6, 2002. On that date, he entered a dwelling
house without permission from the occupants. The 22-year-old victim had passed
out from alcohol consumption and was lying in the living room. She awoke to
find Mr. Ladue touching her breasts over her clothing and attempting to
unbutton her pants. She was unable to resist due to her state of intoxication.
Fortunately, other residents of the house were awakened by what was going on
and Mr. Ladue fled from the home. Mr. Ladue was convicted of breaking and
entering and sexual assault.
[25]
At the sentencing hearing (2003 YKTC 100
(CanLII)), Judge Faulkner of the Yukon Territorial Court noted the similarity
surrounding the circumstances of each sexual assault. The psychological
assessment prepared for the court indicated that Mr. Ladue was incapable
of refraining from the use of alcohol and was unable to control his sexual
impulses. He was also diagnosed as a sexual sadist and as having an antisocial
personality disorder. Faulkner Terr. Ct. J. nevertheless concluded that there
was some prospect for eventual management in the community, given Mr. Ladue’s
lengthy period of successful sobriety in the 1990s, which coincided with a
period free from criminal activity. Defence counsel conceded that the
requirements of s. 753.1 of the Criminal Code were met, and Mr. Ladue
was designated as a long-term offender. Faulkner Terr. Ct. J. sentenced Mr.
Ladue to three years’ imprisonment for breaking and entering and committing
sexual assault, after taking into account the 14 months he had spent in custody
prior to sentencing. He also imposed a seven-year LTSO.
B. The Current Offence
[26]
Mr. Ladue’s LTSO began on December 1, 2006, when
he was released from prison for the 2002 offence giving rise to the LTSO. The
LTSO has been suspended on numerous occasions. In addition, Mr. Ladue’s
criminal record includes two previous convictions for breaching a condition of
the LTSO. On June 5, 2007, he was convicted of two counts of breaching the
condition in the LTSO that he abstain from intoxicants. He received concurrent
six-month sentences of imprisonment with credit for four and a half months of
pre-sentence custody. On June 19, 2008, he was convicted of breaching the same
condition and was sentenced to one day of imprisonment after being credited for
one year of pre-sentence custody.
[27]
On August 12, 2009, Mr. Ladue was released from
prison following a suspension of his LTSO. He was supposed to be released to
Linkage House in Kamloops, British Columbia, where he anticipated receiving
considerable culturally relevant support from an Aboriginal Elder. Instead, Mr.
Ladue was arrested at the prison gate on an outstanding DNA warrant. The warrant
had been ordered months earlier but, as a result of an administrative error by
Crown officials, it was not executed during Mr. Ladue’s period of detention.
Furthermore, the warrant may have been superfluous as it appears Mr. Ladue had
already provided his DNA under a previous warrant. Mr. Ladue was detained until
the warrant was executed and, as a result of that delay, he lost his placement
at Linkage House. Instead, he was released to Belkin House in downtown
Vancouver, despite his concerns over the propriety of the placement due to the
accessibility of drugs both in the residence and in the neighbourhood. Once at
Belkin House, Mr. Ladue began associating with another offender who was a known
drug user. Mr. Ladue was asked to provide a urine sample on August 19. On
August 24, he advised the staff that the urinalysis would come back positive
for cocaine, which it did. Mr. Ladue provided a second urine sample on August
27, which also returned positive for cocaine. He was charged with breaching a
condition of his LTSO, contrary to s. 753.3(1) of the Criminal Code and
pleaded guilty to that offence on February 10, 2010.
C. Judicial History
(1) Provincial Court of British Columbia,
2010 BCPC 410 (CanLII)
[28]
At the sentencing hearing, the Crown requested a
sentence in the range of 18 months to two years. Bagnall Prov. Ct. J. concluded
that this range was inadequate in the circumstances. She emphasized the serious
nature of the offence:
Once
released from custody, even under close supervision, Mr. Ladue’s pattern is to
relapse very quickly back into drug or alcohol use. He cannot be managed, nor
can he manage himself in the community at the present time. The harm that is
likely for another member of the community, or members of the community, if Mr.
Ladue consumes intoxicants is very serious. This can be seen from the history
that I have detailed. [para. 31]
Bagnall Prov. Ct. J.
therefore held that isolation was the most important sentencing objective in
the circumstances and imposed a three-year term of imprisonment, less five
months of pre-sentence custody at a 1.5:1 credit rate. Bagnall Prov. Ct. J.
referred to the tragic aspects of Mr. Ladue’s history, but apparently concluded
that they should not impact on his sentence.
(2) Court of Appeal for British Columbia,
2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93
[29]
Mr. Ladue appealed his sentence on the grounds
that the sentencing judge failed to adequately consider his circumstances as an
Aboriginal offender, and that the ultimate sentence was unfit. The majority of
the Court of Appeal allowed his appeal and reduced the sentence to one year’s
imprisonment. Chiasson J.A., dissenting, would have allowed the appeal and
imposed a two-year sentence.
[30]
Bennett J.A., writing for the majority, began by
reviewing the principles and objectives of sentencing set out in the Criminal
Code . She discussed, in detail, s. 718.2(e) of the Code
and this Court’s decision in Gladue. Bennett J.A. concluded that,
although the sentencing judge was alive to Mr. Ladue’s unique circumstances as
an Aboriginal offender, she did not give any tangible consideration to those
circumstances in determining the appropriate sentence. As a result, the
sentencing judge had overemphasized the objective of isolation of the offender
at the expense of rehabilitation and failed to meet the requirements of s.
718.2 (e): “If effect is to be given to Parliament’s direction in s.
718.2 (e), then there must be more than a reference to the provision. It must be
given substantive weight, which will often impact the length and type of
sentence imposed” (para. 64).
[31]
Bennett J.A. concluded that a three-year
sentence was not proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender, especially considering Mr. Ladue’s background
and how he came to be at Belkin House. At para. 63, she states:
Mr.
Ladue desires to succeed, as exhibited by his request not to be sent to Belkin
House. However, he is addicted to drugs and alcohol, which can directly be related
to how he was treated as an Aboriginal person. He has not reoffended in a
manner which threatens the safety of the public. He will ultimately be released
into the community without supervision. Unless he can manage his alcohol and
drug addiction in the community he will very likely be a threat to the public.
Repeated efforts at abstinence are not unusual for those dealing with
addiction. Indeed, Mr. Ladue demonstrated that he is capable of abstinence as
shown by his conduct a number of years ago.
Bennett J.A. therefore
reduced the sentence to one year’s imprisonment.
[32]
Chiasson J.A. would have allowed the appeal and
reduced the sentence to two years’ imprisonment. He did not agree with the
majority that the sentencing judge had erred in her consideration of Mr.
Ladue’s Aboriginal circumstances. However, in Chiasson J.A.’s view, the
sentencing judge had been wrong in failing to consider that the present breach
did not place Mr. Ladue on the path to reoffending. In Chiasson J.A.’s
view, a sentence of two years was a sufficient step-up from Mr. Ladue’s
previous sentence to reflect the severity of the offence. Imposing a sentence
of three years, on the other hand, would risk placing Mr. Ladue beyond hope of
redemption.
IV. Issues
[33]
These two appeals raise issues concerning the
application of the principles and objectives of sentencing set out in Part
XXIII of the Criminal Code . Specifically, the Court must determine the
principles governing the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders, including the
proper interpretation and application of this Court’s judgment in Gladue,
and the application of those principles to the breach of an LTSO. Finally,
given those principles, the Court must determine whether either of the
decisions under appeal contains an error in principle or imposes an unfit
sentence warranting appellate intervention.
V. Analysis
A. The Principles of Sentencing
[34]
The central issue in these appeals is how to
determine a fit sentence for a breach of an LTSO in the case of an Aboriginal
offender. In particular, the Court must address whether, and how, the Gladue
principles apply to these sentencing decisions. But first, it is important to
review the principles that guide sentencing under Canadian law generally.
[35]
In 1996, Parliament amended the Criminal Code
to specifically codify the objectives and principles of sentencing (An Act
to amend the Criminal Code (sentencing) and other Acts in consequence thereof,
S.C. 1995, c. 22 (Bill C-41)). According to s. 718, the fundamental purpose of
sentencing is to contribute to “respect for the law and the maintenance of a
just, peaceful and safe society”. This is accomplished by imposing “just
sanctions” that reflect one or more of the traditional sentencing objectives:
denunciation, general and specific deterrence, separation of offenders,
rehabilitation, reparation to victims, and promoting a sense of responsibility
in offenders and acknowledgment of the harm done to victims and to the
community.
[36]
The Criminal Code goes on to list a
number of principles to guide sentencing judges. The fundamental principle of
sentencing is that the sentence must be proportionate to both the gravity of
the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. As this Court has
previously indicated, this principle was not borne out of the 1996 amendments
to the Code but, instead, has long been a central tenet of the
sentencing process (see, e.g., R. v. Wilmott (1966), 58 D.L.R. (2d) 33
(Ont. C.A.), and, more recently, R. v. Solowan, 2008 SCC 62, [2008] 3
S.C.R. 309, at para. 12, and R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1
S.C.R. 206, at paras. 40-42). It also has a constitutional dimension, in that
s. 12 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms forbids the
imposition of a grossly disproportionate sentence that would outrage society’s
standards of decency. In a similar vein, proportionality in sentencing could
aptly be described as a principle of fundamental justice under s. 7 of the Charter .
[37]
The fundamental principle of sentencing (i.e.,
proportionality) is intimately tied to the fundamental purpose of sentencing —
the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society through the imposition of
just sanctions. Whatever weight a judge may wish to accord to the various
objectives and other principles listed in the Code, the resulting sentence
must respect the fundamental principle of proportionality. Proportionality is
the sine qua non of a just sanction. First, the principle ensures that a
sentence reflects the gravity of the offence. This is closely tied to the
objective of denunciation. It promotes justice for victims and ensures public
confidence in the justice system. As Wilson J. expressed in her concurring
judgment in Re B.C. Motor Vehicle Act, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 486, at p. 533:
It
is basic to any theory of punishment that the sentence imposed bear some
relationship to the offence; it must be a “fit” sentence proportionate to the
seriousness of the offence. Only if this is so can the public be satisfied that
the offender “deserved” the punishment he received and feel a confidence in the
fairness and rationality of the system.
Second, the principle of
proportionality ensures that a sentence does not exceed what is appropriate,
given the moral blameworthiness of the offender. In this sense, the principle
serves a limiting or restraining function and ensures justice for the offender.
In the Canadian criminal justice system, a just sanction is one that reflects
both perspectives on proportionality and does not elevate one at the expense of
the other.
[38]
Despite the constraints imposed by the principle
of proportionality, trial judges enjoy a broad discretion in the sentencing
process. The determination of a fit sentence is, subject to any specific
statutory rules that have survived Charter scrutiny, a highly
individualized process. Sentencing judges must have sufficient manoeuvrability
to tailor sentences to the circumstances of the particular offence and the
particular offender. Appellate courts have recognized the scope of this
discretion and granted considerable deference to a judge’s choice of sentence.
As Lamer C.J. stated in R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500, at para.
90:
Put
simply, absent an error in principle, failure to consider a relevant factor, or
an overemphasis of the appropriate factors, a court of appeal should only
intervene to vary a sentence imposed at trial if the sentence is demonstrably
unfit. Parliament explicitly vested sentencing judges with a discretion
to determine the appropriate degree and kind of punishment under the Criminal
Code . [Emphasis in original.]
[39]
There are limits, however, to the deference that
will be afforded to a trial judge. Appellate courts have a duty to ensure that
courts properly apply the legal principles governing sentencing. In every case,
an appellate court must be satisfied that the sentence under review is
proportionate to both the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender. I will now turn to an assessment of
these factors as they pertain to the present appeals.
B. The Offence — Sentencing for Breach of a Long-Term
Supervision Order
[40]
These two appeals involve persons designated as
long-term offenders who are charged with breaching a condition of their LTSOs.
This is the first time the Court has had the opportunity to discuss this
particular offence. In order to weigh the various principles and objectives of
sentencing and reach a conclusion regarding a fit sentence, it is important to
understand the long-term offender regime.
[41]
Part XXIV of the Criminal Code sets out
the process for designating offenders as either dangerous or long-term
offenders. Special provisions to deal with the unique circumstances of habitual
repeat offenders have existed in Canada since the first half of the twentieth
century. In 1938, the Archambault Commission recommended that legislation be
enacted to provide for the indeterminate detention of hardened criminals (Report
of the Royal Commission to Investigate the Penal System of Canada). The
purpose of this detention, according to the Commission, was to be “neither
punitive nor reformative but primarily segregation from society” (cited in R. v.
Lyons, [1987] 2 S.C.R. 309, at pp. 321-22).
[42]
In 1947, Canada acted on the recommendations of the
Archambault Commission and introduced its first piece of legislation
authorizing the indeterminate detention of “habitual criminals” (An Act
to amend the Criminal Code, S.C. 1947, c. 55, s. 18). Amendments made
in 1977 narrowed the scope of the provision to specifically target “dangerous
offenders” — those convicted of serious personal injury offences (Criminal
Law Amendment Act, 1977, S.C. 1977, c. 53, s. 14). La Forest J.
described the rationale of the legislation in Lyons, at p. 329:
It
is thus important to recognize the precise nature of the penological objectives
embodied in Part XXI [now Part XXIV]. It is clear that the indeterminate
detention is intended to serve both punitive and preventive purposes. Both are
legitimate aims of the criminal sanction. Indeed, when society incarcerates a
robber for, say, ten years, it is clear that its goal is both to punish the
person and prevent the recurrence of such conduct during that period.
Preventive detention in the context of Part XXI, however, simply represents a
judgment that the relative importance of the objectives of rehabilitation,
deterrence and retribution are greatly attenuated in the circumstances of the
individual case, and that of prevention, correspondingly increased. Part XXI
merely enables the court to accommodate its sentence to the common sense
reality that the present condition of the offender is such that he or
she is not inhibited by normal standards of behavioural restraint so that future
violent acts can quite confidently be expected of that person. In such
circumstances it would be folly not to tailor the sentence accordingly.
[Emphasis in original.]
[43]
The rationale for the dangerous offender
designation can be contrasted with that of the long-term offender provisions,
which were not introduced to the Criminal Code until 1997. That year,
extensive amendments were made to Part XXIV of the Criminal Code by Bill
C-55 (An Act to amend the Criminal Code (high risk offenders), the
Corrections and Conditional Release Act , the Criminal Records Act , the
Prisons and Reformatories Act and the Department of the Solicitor General Act,
S.C. 1997, c. 17). These amendments, following the recommendations of the
Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task Force on High-Risk Violent Offenders (“Task
Force”), introduced the long-term offender designation and the availability of
LTSOs. The Task Force noted that a lacuna existed in the law whereby serious
offenders were denied the support of extended community supervision, except
through the parole process. LTSOs were designed to fill this gap and supplement
the all-or-nothing alternatives of definite or indefinite detention (Report of
the Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task Force on High-Risk Violent Offenders, Strategies
for Managing High-Risk Offenders (1995)).
[44]
Section 753.1(1) of the Criminal Code now
directs when a court may designate an offender as a long-term offender. The
section states:
753.1 (1) The
court may, on application made under this Part following the filing of an
assessment report under subsection 752.1(2), find an offender to be a long-term
offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it
would be appropriate to impose a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more
for the offence for which the offender has been convicted;
(b) there
is a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend; and
(c) there is a reasonable
possibility of eventual control of the risk in the community.
If the court finds an
offender to be a long-term offender, it must impose a sentence of two years or
more for the predicate offence and order that the offender be subject to
long-term supervision for a period not exceeding 10 years (Criminal Code,
s. 753.1(3) ).
[45]
LTSOs are administered in accordance with the Corrections
and Conditional Release Act, S.C. 1992, c. 20 (“CCRA ”). LTSOs must
include the conditions set out in s. 161(1) of the Corrections and
Conditional Release Regulations, SOR/92-620. In addition, the National
Parole Board (“NPB”) may include any other condition “that it considers
reasonable and necessary in order to protect society and to facilitate the
successful reintegration into society of the offender” (CCRA, s.
134.1(2) ). A member of the NPB may suspend an LTSO when an offender breaches
any of the LTSO conditions, or where the NPB is satisfied that suspension is necessary
and reasonable to prevent such a breach or to protect society (CCRA,
s. 135.1(1) ). Offenders serve the duration of the period of suspension in
a federal penitentiary. Failure or refusal to comply with an LTSO is also an
indictable offence under s. 753.3(1) of the Criminal Code ,
punishable by up to 10 years’ imprisonment.
[46]
According to the CCRA , “[t]he purpose of
conditional release is to contribute to the maintenance of a just, peaceful and
safe society by means of decisions on the timing and conditions of release that
will best facilitate the rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration
into the community as law-abiding citizens” (s. 100 ). The CCRA also sets
out a number of principles that shall guide the NPB in achieving the purpose of
conditional release. These include, inter alia, “that the protection of
society be the paramount consideration in the determination of any case” and
“that parole boards make the least restrictive determination consistent with
the protection of society” (CCRA, ss. 101 (a) and 101 (d)).
These principles are intended to guide the NPB in its decision making, whereas
courts must adhere to the principles set out in the Criminal Code when
sentencing for breach of an LTSO.
[47]
The legislative purpose of an LTSO, a form of
conditional release governed by the CCRA , is therefore to contribute to
the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by facilitating the
rehabilitation and reintegration of long-term offenders. This direction is
consistent with this Court’s discussion at para. 42 of R. v. L.M., 2008
SCC 31, [2008] 2 S.C.R. 163, on the distinction between the dangerous offender
designation (which does not include a period of conditional release) and the
long-term offender designation.
Although
they both contribute to assuring public safety, the dangerous offender and
long-term offender designations have different objectives. Unlike a dangerous
offender (s. 753 Cr. C.), who will continue to be deprived of
liberty, since such offenders are kept in prison to separate them from society
(s. 718.1), a long-term offender serves a sentence of imprisonment of
two years or more and is then subject to an order of supervision in the
community for a period not exceeding 10 years for the purpose of assisting in
his or her rehabilitation (s. 753.1(3) Cr. C.). This measure, which is
less restrictive than the indeterminate period of incarceration that applies to
dangerous offenders, protects society and is at the same time consistent with [translation] “the principles of
proportionality and moderation in the recourse to sentences involving a
deprivation of liberty” (Dadour, at p. 228). [Emphasis in original.]
[48]
Reading the Criminal Code , the CCRA
and the applicable jurisprudence together, we can therefore identify two
specific objectives of long-term supervision as a form of conditional release:
(1) protecting the public from the risk of reoffence, and (2) rehabilitating
the offender and reintegrating him or her into the community. The latter
objective may properly be described as the ultimate purpose of an LTSO, as
indicated by s. 100 of the CCRA , though it is inextricably entwined with
the former. Unfortunately, provincial and appellate courts have tended to
emphasize the protection of the public at the expense of the rehabilitation of
offenders. This, in turn, has affected their determinations of what is a fit sentence
for breaching a condition of an LTSO.
[49]
R. v. W. (H.P.),
2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20, is the leading appellate court decision
to consider the matter. In that case, the Alberta Court of Appeal canvassed the
purpose of the long-term offender regime and how it bears on the sentencing
process for breach of an LTSO. Ritter J.A. summarized the view of the court, at
para. 46, stating:
Because
the protection of society is the paramount goal when sentencing an offender who
has breached a condition of his long-term offender supervision order,
sentencing principles respecting specific and general deterrence together with
separation of the offender from the community are called into play.
Rehabilitation has a limited role to play as the status of long-term offender
is such that rehabilitation has already been determined to be extremely
difficult or impossible to achieve.
Subsequent provincial and
appellate court cases have generally adhered to this approach. For example, in R.
v. Nelson, [2007] O.J. No. 5704 (QL), Masse J. of the Ontario Court of
Justice held, at paras. 14 and 21, that “[t]he main consideration in sentencing
these offenders is the protection of the public” and that “significant
sentences must be imposed even for slight breaches of a long-term supervision
order”.
[50]
The foregoing characterization of the long-term
offender regime is incorrect. The purpose of an LTSO is two-fold: to protect
the public and to rehabilitate offenders and reintegrate them into the
community. In fact, s. 100 of the CCRA singles out rehabilitation and
reintegration as the purpose of community supervision including LTSOs. As this
Court indicated in L.M., rehabilitation is the key feature of the
long-term offender regime that distinguishes it from the dangerous offender
regime. To suggest, therefore, that rehabilitation has been determined to be
impossible to achieve in the long-term offender context is simply wrong. Given
this context, it would be contrary to reason to conclude that rehabilitation is
not an appropriate sentencing objective and should therefore play “little or no
role” (as stated in W. (H.P.), at para. 50), in the sentencing process.
[51]
This is not to say that rehabilitation will
always be the foremost consideration when sentencing for breach of an LTSO. The
duty of a sentencing judge is to apply all of the principles mandated by
ss. 718.1 and 718.2 of the Criminal Code in order to devise a
sentence that furthers the overall objectives of sentencing. The foregoing
simply demonstrates that there is nothing in the provisions of the Criminal
Code or the CCRA to suggest that any of those principles or
objectives will not apply to the breach of an LTSO. As with any sentencing
decision, the relative weight to be accorded to each sentencing principle or
objective will vary depending on the circumstances of the particular offence.
In all instances, the sentence must be proportionate to both the gravity of the
offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.
[52]
It would be imprudent to attempt to determine in
the abstract the gravity of the offence of breaching a condition of an LTSO.
The severity of a given breach will ultimately depend on all of the
circumstances, including the nature of the condition breached, how that
condition is tied to managing the particular offender’s risk of reoffence, and
the circumstances of the breach. However, a few comments may be instructive.
[53]
Breach of an LTSO is an indictable offence
punishable by up to 10 years’ imprisonment. This can be contrasted with breach
of probation which is a hybrid offence with a maximum sentence of either 18
months or two years’ imprisonment. In each of the present appeals, the Crown
places significant emphasis on this distinction, suggesting that the high
maximum penalty indicates that breach of an LTSO is a particularly serious
offence warranting a significant sentence. My colleague, Rothstein J.,
reiterates this point at para. 123, concluding that the “necessary implication
is that Parliament viewed breaches of LTSOs as posing such risk to the protection
of society that long-term offenders may have to be separated from society for a
significant period of time”.
[54]
The lengthy maximum penalty certainly indicates
that Parliament views the breach of an LTSO differently (and more seriously)
than the breach of a probation order. However, it would be too much to suggest
that the mere existence of a high statutory maximum penalty dictates that a
significant period of imprisonment should be imposed for any breach of an LTSO.
Breaches can occur in an infinite variety of circumstances. Parliament did not
see fit to impose a mandatory minimum sentence. Where no minimum sentence is
mandated by the Criminal Code , the entire range of sentencing options is
open to a sentencing judge, including non-carceral sentences where appropriate.
In its recommendations, the Task Force specifically stated that a key factor to
the success of a long-term offender regime is “a speedy and flexible mechanism
for enforcing the orders which does not result in lengthy re-incarceration
in the absence of the commission of a new crime” (p. 19 (emphasis added)).
[55]
It is the sentencing judge’s duty to determine,
within this open range of sentencing options, which sentence will be
proportionate to both the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender. The severity of a particular breach of an LTSO
will depend, in large part, on the circumstances of the breach, the nature of
the condition breached, and the role that condition plays in managing the
offender’s risk of reoffence in the community. This requires a contextual
analysis. As Smith J.A. states in R. v. Deacon, 2004 BCCA 78, 193
B.C.A.C. 228, at para. 51, “the gravity of an offence under s. 753.3 must
be measured with reference not only to the conduct that gave rise to the
offence, but also with regard to what it portends in light of the offender’s
entire history of criminal conduct”. Breach of an LTSO is not subject to a
distinct sentencing regime or system. In any given case, the best guides for
determining a fit sentence are the well-established principles and objectives
of sentencing set out in the Criminal Code .
C. The Offender — Sentencing Aboriginal Offenders
[56]
Section 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code
directs that “all available sanctions other than imprisonment that are
reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with
particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal offenders”. This
provision was introduced into the Code as part of the 1996 Bill C-41
amendments to codify the purpose and principles of sentencing. According to the
then-Minister of Justice, Allan Rock, “the reason we referred specifically
there to aboriginal persons is that they are sadly overrepresented in the
prison populations of Canada” (House of Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and
Evidence of the Standing Committee on Justice and Legal Affairs, No.
62, 1st Sess., 35th Parl., November 17, 1994, at p. 15).
[57]
Aboriginal persons were sadly overrepresented
indeed. Government figures from 1988 indicated that Aboriginal persons
accounted for 10 percent of federal prison inmates, while making up only 2
percent of the national population. The figures were even more stark in the
Prairie provinces, where Aboriginal persons accounted for 32 percent of prison
inmates compared to 5 percent of the population. The situation was generally
worse in provincial institutions. For example, Aboriginal persons accounted for
fully 60 percent of the inmates detained in provincial jails in Saskatchewan
(M. Jackson, “Locking Up Natives in Canada” (1989), 23 U.B.C. L. Rev.
215, at pp. 215-16). There was also evidence to indicate that this
overrepresentation was on the rise. At Stony Mountain penitentiary, the only
federal prison in Manitoba, the Aboriginal inmate population had been climbing
steadily from 22 percent in 1965 to 33 percent in 1984, and up to 46 percent
just five years later in 1989 (Commissioners A. C. Hamilton and C. M. Sinclair,
Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba, vol. 1, The
Justice System and Aboriginal People (1991), at p. 394). The foregoing
statistics led the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (“RCAP”) to conclude,
at p. 309 of its Report, Bridging the Cultural Divide: A Report on
Aboriginal People and Criminal Justice in Canada (1996):
The
Canadian criminal justice system has failed the Aboriginal peoples of Canada —
First Nations, Inuit and Métis people, on-reserve and off-reserve, urban and
rural — in all territorial and governmental jurisdictions. The principal reason
for this crushing failure is the fundamentally different world views of
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people with respect to such elemental issues as
the substantive content of justice and the process of achieving justice.
[58]
The overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in
the Canadian criminal justice system was the impetus for including the specific
reference to Aboriginal people in s. 718.2 (e). It was not at all clear,
however, what exactly the provision required or how it would affect the
sentencing of Aboriginal offenders. In 1999, this Court had the opportunity to
address these questions in Gladue. Cory and Iacobucci JJ., writing for
the unanimous Court, reviewed the statistics and concluded, at para. 64:
These
findings cry out for recognition of the magnitude and gravity of the problem,
and for responses to alleviate it. The figures are stark and reflect what may
fairly be termed a crisis in the Canadian criminal justice system. The drastic
overrepresentation of aboriginal peoples within both the Canadian prison
population and the criminal justice system reveals a sad and pressing social
problem. It is reasonable to assume that Parliament, in singling out aboriginal
offenders for distinct sentencing treatment in s. 718.2 (e), intended to
attempt to redress this social problem to some degree. The provision may
properly be seen as Parliament’s direction to members of the judiciary to
inquire into the causes of the problem and to endeavour to remedy it, to the
extent that a remedy is possible through the sentencing process.
[59]
The Court held, therefore, that s. 718.2(e)
of the Code is a remedial provision designed to ameliorate the serious
problem of overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in Canadian prisons, and to
encourage sentencing judges to have recourse to a restorative approach to
sentencing (Gladue, at para. 93). It does more than affirm existing
principles of sentencing; it calls upon judges to use a different method of
analysis in determining a fit sentence for Aboriginal offenders. Section 718.2 (e)
directs sentencing judges to pay particular attention to the circumstances of
Aboriginal offenders because those circumstances are unique and different from
those of non-Aboriginal offenders (Gladue, at para. 37). When sentencing
an Aboriginal offender, a judge must consider: (a) the unique systemic or
background factors which may have played a part in bringing the particular
Aboriginal offender before the courts; and (b) the types of sentencing
procedures and sanctions which may be appropriate in the circumstances for the
offender because of his or her particular Aboriginal heritage or connection (Gladue,
at para. 66). Judges may take judicial notice of the broad systemic and
background factors affecting Aboriginal people generally, but additional
case-specific information will have to come from counsel and from the
pre-sentence report (Gladue, at paras. 83-84).
[60]
Courts have, at times, been hesitant to take
judicial notice of the systemic and background factors affecting Aboriginal
people in Canadian society (see, e.g., R. v. Laliberte, 2000
SKCA 27, 189 Sask. R. 190). To be clear, courts must take judicial notice of
such matters as the history of colonialism, displacement, and residential
schools and how that history continues to translate into lower educational
attainment, lower incomes, higher unemployment, higher rates of substance abuse
and suicide, and of course higher levels of incarceration for Aboriginal
peoples. These matters, on their own, do not necessarily justify a different
sentence for Aboriginal offenders. Rather, they provide the necessary context
for understanding and evaluating the case-specific information presented by
counsel. Counsel have a duty to bring that individualized information before
the court in every case, unless the offender expressly waives his right to have
it considered. In current practice, it appears that case-specific information
is often brought before the court by way of a Gladue report, which is a form
of pre-sentence report tailored to the specific circumstances of Aboriginal
offenders. Bringing such information to the attention of the judge in a
comprehensive and timely manner is helpful to all parties at a sentencing
hearing for an Aboriginal offender, as it is indispensable to a judge in
fulfilling his duties under s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code .
[61]
It would have been naive to suggest that
sentencing Aboriginal persons differently, without addressing the root causes
of criminality, would eliminate their overrepresentation in the criminal
justice system entirely. In Gladue, Cory and Iacobucci JJ. were mindful
of this fact, yet retained a degree of optimism, stating, at para. 65:
It
is clear that sentencing innovation by itself cannot remove the causes of
aboriginal offending and the greater problem of aboriginal alienation from the
criminal justice system. The unbalanced ratio of imprisonment for aboriginal
offenders flows from a number of sources, including poverty, substance abuse,
lack of education, and the lack of employment opportunities for aboriginal
people. It arises also from bias against aboriginal people and from an
unfortunate institutional approach that is more inclined to refuse bail and to
impose more and longer prison terms for aboriginal offenders. There are many
aspects of this sad situation which cannot be addressed in these reasons. What
can and must be addressed, though, is the limited role that sentencing judges
will play in remedying injustice against aboriginal peoples in Canada.
Sentencing judges are among those decision-makers who have the power to
influence the treatment of aboriginal offenders in the justice system. They
determine most directly whether an aboriginal offender will go to jail, or
whether other sentencing options may be employed which will play perhaps a
stronger role in restoring a sense of balance to the offender, victim, and
community, and in preventing future crime.
[62]
This cautious optimism has not been borne out.
In fact, statistics indicate that the overrepresentation and alienation of
Aboriginal peoples in the criminal justice system has only worsened. In the
immediate aftermath of Bill C-41, from 1996 to 2001, Aboriginal admissions to
custody increased by 3 percent while non-Aboriginal admissions declined by 22
percent (J. V. Roberts and R. Melchers, “The Incarceration of Aboriginal
Offenders: Trends from 1978 to 2001” (2003), 45 Can. J. Crim. & Crim.
Just. 211, at p. 226). From 2001 to 2006, there was an overall decline in
prison admissions of 9 percent. During that same time period, Aboriginal
admissions to custody increased by 4 percent (J. Rudin, “Addressing Aboriginal
Overrepresentation Post-Gladue: A Realistic Assessment of How Social
Change Occurs” (2009), 54 Crim. L.Q. 447, at p. 452). As a result, the
overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in the criminal justice system is worse
than ever. Whereas Aboriginal persons made up 12 percent of all federal inmates
in 1999 when Gladue was decided, they accounted for 17 percent of
federal admissions in 2005 (J. Rudin, “Aboriginal Over-representation and R.
v. Gladue: Where We Were, Where We Are and Where We Might Be Going”, in J.
Cameron and J. Stribopoulos, eds., The Charter and Criminal Justice:
Twenty-Five Years Later (2008), 687, at p. 701). As Professor Rudin asks:
“If Aboriginal overrepresentation was a crisis in 1999, what term can be
applied to the situation today?” (“Addressing Aboriginal Overrepresentation Post-Gladue”,
at p. 452).
[63]
Over a decade has passed since this Court issued
its judgment in Gladue. As the statistics indicate, s. 718.2 (e)
of the Criminal Code has not had a discernible impact on the
overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in the criminal justice system.
Granted, the Gladue principles were never expected to provide a panacea.
There is some indication, however, from both the academic commentary and the
jurisprudence, that the failure can be attributed to some extent to a
fundamental misunderstanding and misapplication of both s. 718.2 (e) and
this Court’s decision in Gladue. The following is an attempt to resolve
these misunderstandings, clarify certain ambiguities, and provide additional
guidance so that courts can properly implement this sentencing provision.
(1) Making Sense of Aboriginal Sentencing
[64]
Section 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code
and this Court’s decision in Gladue were not universally well received.
Three interrelated criticisms have been advanced: (1) sentencing is not an
appropriate means of addressing overrepresentation; (2) the Gladue
principles provide what is essentially a race-based discount for Aboriginal
offenders; and (3) providing special treatment and lesser sentences to
Aboriginal offenders is inherently unfair as it creates unjustified
distinctions between offenders who are similarly situated, thus violating the
principle of sentence parity. In my view, these criticisms are based on a
fundamental misunderstanding of the operation of s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal
Code .
[65]
Professors Stenning and Roberts describe the
sentencing provision as an “empty promise” to Aboriginal peoples because it is
unlikely to have any significant impact on levels of overrepresentation (P.
Stenning and J. V. Roberts, “Empty Promises: Parliament, The Supreme Court, and
the Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders” (2001), 64 Sask. L. Rev. 137, at
p. 167). As we have seen, the direction to pay particular attention to the
circumstances of Aboriginal offenders was included in light of evidence of
their overrepresentation in Canada’s prisons and jails. This overrepresentation
led the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba to ask in its Report: “Why, in a
society where justice is supposed to be blind, are the inmates of our prisons
selected so overwhelmingly from a single ethnic group? Two answers suggest
themselves immediately: either Aboriginal people commit a disproportionate
number of crimes, or they are the victims of a discriminatory justice system”
(p. 85; see also RCAP, at p. 33). The available evidence indicates that
both phenomena are contributing to the problem (RCAP). Contrary to Professors
Stenning and Roberts, addressing these matters does not lie beyond the purview
of the sentencing judge.
[66]
First, sentencing judges can endeavour to reduce
crime rates in Aboriginal communities by imposing sentences that effectively
deter criminality and rehabilitate offenders. These are codified objectives of
sentencing. To the extent that current sentencing practices do not further
these objectives, those practices must change so as to meet the needs of
Aboriginal offenders and their communities. As Professors Rudin and Roach ask,
“[if an innovative] sentence can serve to actually assist a person in taking
responsibility for his or her actions and lead to a reduction in the
probability of subsequent re-offending, why should such a sentence be precluded
just because other people who commit the same offence go to jail?” (J. Rudin
and K. Roach, “Broken Promises: A Response to Stenning and Roberts’ ‘Empty
Promises’” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 3, at p. 20).
[67]
Second, judges can ensure that systemic factors
do not lead inadvertently to discrimination in sentencing. Professor Quigley aptly
describes how this occurs:
Socioeconomic factors such as employment
status, level of education, family situation, etc., appear on the surface as
neutral criteria. They are considered as such by the legal system. Yet they can
conceal an extremely strong bias in the sentencing process. Convicted persons
with steady employment and stability in their lives, or at least prospects of
the same, are much less likely to be sent to jail for offences that are
borderline imprisonment offences. The unemployed, transients, the poorly
educated are all better candidates for imprisonment. When the social, political
and economic aspects of our society place Aboriginal people disproportionately
within the ranks of the latter, our society literally sentences more of them to
jail. This is systemic discrimination.
(T.
Quigley, “Some Issues in Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders”, in R. Gosse,
J. Y. Henderson and R. Carter, eds., Continuing Poundmaker and Riel’s Quest:
Presentations Made at a Conference on Aboriginal Peoples and Justice
(1994), 269, at pp. 275-76)
Sentencing judges, as
front-line workers in the criminal justice system, are in the best position to
re-evaluate these criteria to ensure that they are not contributing to ongoing
systemic racial discrimination.
[68]
Section 718.2 (e) is therefore properly
seen as a “direction to members of the judiciary to inquire into the causes of
the problem and to endeavour to remedy it, to the extent that a remedy is
possible through the sentencing process” (Gladue, at para. 64 (emphasis
added)). Applying the provision does not amount to “hijacking the sentencing
process in the pursuit of other goals” (Stenning and Roberts, at p. 160). The
purpose of sentencing is to promote a just, peaceful and safe society through
the imposition of just sanctions that, among other things, deter criminality
and rehabilitate offenders, all in accordance with the fundamental principle of
proportionality. Just sanctions are those that do not operate in a
discriminatory manner. Parliament, in enacting s. 718.2 (e), evidently
concluded that nothing short of a specific direction to pay particular
attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders would suffice to ensure
that judges undertook their duties properly.
[69]
Certainly sentencing will not be the sole — or
even the primary — means of addressing Aboriginal overrepresentation in penal
institutions. But that does not detract from a judge’s fundamental duty to
fashion a sentence that is fit and proper in the circumstances of the offence,
the offender, and the victim. Nor does it turn s. 718.2 (e) into an
empty promise. The sentencing judge has an admittedly limited, yet important
role to play. As the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba put it, at
pp. 110-11:
To change this situation will require a
real commitment to ending social inequality in Canadian society, something to
which no government in Canada has committed itself to date. This will be a
far-reaching endeavour and involve much more than the justice system as it is
understood currently. . . .
Despite
the magnitude of the problems, there is much the justice system can do to
assist in reducing the degree to which Aboriginal people come into conflict
with the law. It can reduce the ways in which it discriminates against
Aboriginal people and the ways in which it adds to Aboriginal alienation.
Cory and Iacobucci JJ.
were equally cognizant of the limits of the sentencing judge’s power to effect
change. Paragraph 65 of Gladue bears repeating here:
It
is clear that sentencing innovation by itself cannot remove the causes of
aboriginal offending and the greater problem of aboriginal alienation from the
criminal justice system. . . . What can and must be addressed, though, is the
limited role that sentencing judges will play in remedying injustice against
aboriginal peoples in Canada. Sentencing judges are among those decision-makers
who have the power to influence the treatment of aboriginal offenders in the
justice system. They determine most directly whether an aboriginal offender
will go to jail, or whether other sentencing options may be employed which will
play perhaps a stronger role in restoring a sense of balance to the offender,
victim, and community, and in preventing future crime.
[70]
The sentencing process is therefore an
appropriate forum for addressing Aboriginal overrepresentation in Canada’s
prisons. Despite being theoretically sound, critics still insist that, in
practice, the direction to pay particular attention to the circumstances of
Aboriginal offenders invites sentencing judges to impose more lenient sentences
simply because an offender is Aboriginal. In short, s. 718.2 (e) is seen
as a race-based discount on sentencing, devoid of any legitimate tie to
traditional principles of sentencing. A particularly stark example of this view
was expressed by Bloc Québécois M.P. Pierrette Venne at the second reading for
Bill C-41 when she asked: “Why should an Aboriginal convicted of murder, rape,
assault or of uttering threats not be liable to imprisonment like any other
citizen of this country? Can we replace all this with a parallel justice, an
ethnic justice, a cultural justice? Where would it stop? Where does this horror
come from?” (House of Commons Debates, vol. 133, 1st Sess., 35th Parl.,
September 20, 1994, at p. 5876).
[71]
In Gladue, this Court rejected Ms.
Gladue’s argument that s. 718.2 (e) was an affirmative action provision
or, as the Crown described it, an invitation to engage in “reverse
discrimination” (para. 86). Cory and Iacobucci JJ. were very clear in stating
that “s. 718.2 (e) should not be taken as requiring an automatic
reduction of a sentence, or a remission of a warranted period of
incarceration, simply because the offender is aboriginal” (para. 88 (emphasis
added)). This point was reiterated in R. v. Wells, 2000 SCC 10, [2000] 1
S.C.R. 207, at para. 30. There is nothing to suggest that subsequent decisions
of provincial and appellate courts have departed from this principle. In fact,
it is usually stated explicitly. For example, in R. v. Vermette,
2001 MBCA 64, 156 Man. R. (2d) 120, the Manitoba Court of Appeal stated, at
para. 39:
The
section does not mandate better treatment for aboriginal offenders than
non-aboriginal offenders. It is simply a recognition that the sentence must be
individualized and that there are serious social problems with respect to
aboriginals that require more creative and innovative solutions. This is not
reverse discrimination. It is an acknowledgment that to achieve real equality,
sometimes different people must be treated differently.
[72]
While the purpose of s. 718.2 (e)
may not be to provide “a remission of a warranted period of incarceration”,
critics argue that the methodology set out in Gladue will
inevitably have this effect. As Professors Stenning and Roberts state: “. . .
the practical effect of this alternate methodology is predictable: the
sentencing of an Aboriginal offender is less likely to result in a term of
custody and, if custody is imposed, it is likely to be shorter in some cases
than it would have been had the offender been non-Aboriginal” (p. 162). These
criticisms are unwarranted. The methodology set out by this Court in Gladue
is designed to focus on those unique circumstances of an Aboriginal offender
which could reasonably and justifiably impact on the sentence imposed. Gladue
directs sentencing judges to consider: (1) the unique systemic and background
factors which may have played a part in bringing the particular Aboriginal
offender before the courts; and (2) the types of sentencing procedures and
sanctions which may be appropriate in the circumstances for the offender
because of his or her particular Aboriginal heritage or connection. Both sets
of circumstances bear on the ultimate question of what is a fit and proper
sentence.
[73]
First, systemic and background factors may bear
on the culpability of the offender, to the extent that they shed light on his
or her level of moral blameworthiness. This is perhaps more evident in Wells
where Iacobucci J. described these circumstances as “the unique systemic or
background factors that are mitigating in nature in that they may have
played a part in the aboriginal offender’s conduct” (para. 38 (emphasis
added)). Canadian criminal law is based on the premise that criminal liability
only follows from voluntary conduct. Many Aboriginal offenders find themselves
in situations of social and economic deprivation with a lack of opportunities
and limited options for positive development. While this rarely — if ever —
attains a level where one could properly say that their actions were not voluntary
and therefore not deserving of criminal sanction, the reality is that their
constrained circumstances may diminish their moral culpability. As Greckol J.
of the Alberta Court of Queen’s Bench stated, at para. 60 of R. v. Skani,
2002 ABQB 1097, 331 A.R. 50, after describing the background factors that lead
to Mr. Skani coming before the court, “[f]ew mortals could withstand such a
childhood and youth without becoming seriously troubled.” Failing to take these
circumstances into account would violate the fundamental principle of
sentencing — that the sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the
offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. The existence
of such circumstances may also indicate that a sanction that takes account of
the underlying causes of the criminal conduct may be more appropriate than one
only aimed at punishment per se. As Cory and Iacobucci JJ. state in Gladue,
at para. 69:
In
cases where such factors have played a significant role, it is incumbent upon
the sentencing judge to consider these factors in evaluating whether
imprisonment would actually serve to deter, or to denounce crime in a sense
that would be meaningful to the community of which the offender is a member. In
many instances, more restorative sentencing principles will gain primary
relevance precisely because the prevention of crime as well as individual and
social healing cannot occur through other means.
[74]
The second set of circumstances — the types of
sanctions which may be appropriate — bears not on the degree of culpability of
the offender, but on the effectiveness of the sentence itself. As Cory and
Iacobucci JJ. point out, at para. 73 of Gladue: “What is important to
recognize is that, for many if not most aboriginal offenders, the current
concepts of sentencing are inappropriate because they have frequently not
responded to the needs, experiences, and perspectives of aboriginal people or
aboriginal communities.” As the RCAP indicates, at p. 309, the “crushing
failure” of the Canadian criminal justice system vis-à-vis Aboriginal
peoples is due to “the fundamentally different world views of Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal people with respect to such elemental issues as the substantive
content of justice and the process of achieving justice”. The Gladue
principles direct sentencing judges to abandon the presumption that all
offenders and all communities share the same values when it comes to sentencing
and to recognize that, given these fundamentally different world views,
different or alternative sanctions may more effectively achieve the objectives
of sentencing in a particular community.
[75]
Section 718.2 (e) does not create a
race-based discount on sentencing. The provision does not ask courts to remedy
the overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in prisons by artificially reducing
incarceration rates. Rather, sentencing judges are required to pay particular
attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders in order to endeavour to
achieve a truly fit and proper sentence in any particular case. This has been,
and continues to be, the fundamental duty of a sentencing judge. Gladue
is entirely consistent with the requirement that sentencing judges engage in an
individualized assessment of all of the relevant factors and circumstances,
including the status and life experiences, of the person standing before them. Gladue
affirms this requirement and recognizes that, up to this point, Canadian
courts have failed to take into account the unique circumstances of Aboriginal
offenders that bear on the sentencing process. Section 718.2 (e) is
intended to remedy this failure by directing judges to craft sentences in a
manner that is meaningful to Aboriginal peoples. Neglecting this duty would not
be faithful to the core requirement of the sentencing process.
[76]
A third criticism, intimately related to the
last, is that the Court’s direction to utilize a method of analysis when
sentencing Aboriginal offenders is inherently unfair as it creates unjustified
distinctions between offenders who are otherwise similarly situated. This, in
turn, violates the principle of sentence parity. This criticism is premised on
the argument that the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders are not, in fact,
unique. As Professors Stenning and Roberts put it, at p. 158:
If
the kinds of factors that place many Aboriginal people at a disadvantage vis-à-vis
the criminal justice system also affect many members of other minority or
similarly marginalized non-Aboriginal offender groups, how can it be fair to
give such factors more particular attention in sentencing Aboriginal offenders
than in sentencing offenders from those other groups who share a similar
disadvantage?
[77]
This critique ignores the distinct history of
Aboriginal peoples in Canada. The overwhelming message emanating from the
various reports and commissions on Aboriginal peoples’ involvement in the
criminal justice system is that current levels of criminality are intimately
tied to the legacy of colonialism (see, e.g., RCAP, at p. 309). As
Professor Carter puts it, “poverty and other incidents of social
marginalization may not be unique, but how people get there is. No one’s
history in this country compares to Aboriginal people’s” (M. Carter, “Of
Fairness and Faulkner” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 63, at p. 71).
Furthermore, there is nothing in the Gladue decision which would
indicate that background and systemic factors should not also be taken into
account for other, non-Aboriginal offenders. Quite the opposite. Cory and
Iacobucci JJ. specifically state, at para. 69, in Gladue, that
“background and systemic factors will also be of importance for a judge in
sentencing a non-aboriginal offender”.
[78]
The interaction between ss. 718.2 (e) and
718.2 (b) — the parity principle — merits specific attention. Section
718.2 (b) states that “a sentence should be similar to sentences imposed
on similar offenders for similar offences committed in similar circumstances”.
Similarity, however, is sometimes an elusory concept. As Professor Brodeur
describes (“On the Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders: A Reaction to Stenning
and Roberts” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 45, at p. 49):
“. . .
high unemployment” has a different meaning in the context of an Aboriginal
reservation where there are simply no job opportunities and in an urban context
where the White majority exclude Blacks from segments of the labour-market;
“substance abuse” is not the same when it refers to young men smoking crack
cocaine and to kids committing suicide by sniffing gasoline; “loneliness” is
not experienced in a similar way in bush reservations and urban ghettoes.
[79]
In practice, similarity is a matter of degree.
No two offenders will come before the courts with the same background and
experiences, having committed the same crime in the exact same circumstances.
Section 718.2 (b) simply requires that any disparity between sanctions
for different offenders be justified. To the extent that Gladue will
lead to different sanctions for Aboriginal offenders, those sanctions will be
justified based on their unique circumstances — circumstances which are
rationally related to the sentencing process. Courts must ensure that a
formalistic approach to parity in sentencing does not undermine the remedial
purpose of s. 718.2 (e). As Professor Quigley cautions, at p. 286:
Uniformity hides inequity, impedes innovation
and locks the system into its mindset of jail. It also prevents us from
re-evaluating the value of our aims of sentencing and their efficacy.
It
is true that on the surface imposing the same penalty for the nearly identical
offence is only fair. That might be closer to the truth in a society that is
more equitable, more homogenous and more cohesive than ours. But in an
ethnically and culturally diverse society, there is a differential impact from
the same treatment. Indeed, that has been recognized in the jurisprudence on
equality rights under the Charter . Thus, there is a constitutional imperative
to avoiding excessive concern about sentence disparity.
(2) Evaluating Aboriginal Sentencing
Post-Gladue
[80]
An examination of the post-Gladue
jurisprudence applying s. 718.2 (e) reveals several issues with the
implementation of the provision. These errors have significantly curtailed the
scope and potential remedial impact of the provision, thwarting what was
originally envisioned by Gladue.
[81]
First, some cases erroneously suggest that an
offender must establish a causal link between background factors and the
commission of the current offence before being entitled to have those matters
considered by the sentencing judge. The decision of the Alberta Court of Appeal
in R. v. Poucette, 1999 ABCA 305, 250 A.R. 55, provides one
example. In that case, the court concluded, at para. 14:
It is not clear how Poucette, a 19 year old, may
have been affected by the historical policies of assimilation, colonialism,
residential schools and religious persecution that were mentioned by the
sentencing judge. While it may be argued that all aboriginal persons have been
affected by systemic and background factors, Gladue requires that their
influences be traced to the particular offender. Failure to link the two is an
error in principle.
(See
also R. v. Gladue, 1999 ABCA 279, 46 M.V.R. (3d) 183; R. v. Andres,
2002 SKCA 98, 223 Sask. R. 121.)
[82]
This judgment displays an inadequate
understanding of the devastating intergenerational effects of the collective
experiences of Aboriginal peoples. It also imposes an evidentiary burden on
offenders that was not intended by Gladue. As the Ontario Court of
Appeal states in R. v. Collins, 2011 ONCA 182, 277 O.A.C. 88, at paras.
32-33:
There is nothing in the governing
authorities that places the burden of persuasion on an Aboriginal accused to
establish a causal link between the systemic and background factors and
commission of the offence. . . .
As expressed in Gladue, Wells
and Kakekagamick, s. 718.2(e) requires the sentencing judge to “give
attention to the unique background and systemic factors which may have played a
part in bringing the particular offender before the courts”: Gladue at
para. 69. This is a much more modest requirement than the causal link suggested
by the trial judge.
(See
also R. v. Jack, 2008 BCCA 437, 261 B.C.A.C. 245.)
[83]
As the Ontario Court of Appeal goes on to note
in Collins, it would be extremely difficult for an Aboriginal offender
to ever establish a direct causal link between his circumstances and his
offending. The interconnections are simply too complex. The Aboriginal Justice
Inquiry of Manitoba describes the issue, at p. 86:
Cultural
oppression, social inequality, the loss of self-government and systemic
discrimination, which are the legacy of the Canadian government’s treatment of
Aboriginal people, are intertwined and interdependent factors, and in very few
cases is it possible to draw a simple and direct correlation between any one of
them and the events which lead an individual Aboriginal person to commit a
crime or to become incarcerated.
Furthermore, the
operation of s. 718.2(e) does not logically require such a connection.
Systemic and background factors do not operate as an excuse or justification
for the criminal conduct. Rather, they provide the necessary context to enable
a judge to determine an appropriate sentence. This is not to say that those
factors need not be tied in some way to the particular offender and offence.
Unless the unique circumstances of the particular offender bear on his or her
culpability for the offence or indicate which sentencing objectives can and
should be actualized, they will not influence the ultimate sentence.
[84]
The second and perhaps most significant issue in
the post-Gladue jurisprudence is the irregular and uncertain application
of the Gladue principles to sentencing decisions for serious or violent
offences. As Professor Roach has indicated, “appellate courts have attended
disproportionately to just a few paragraphs in these two Supreme Court
judgments — paragraphs that discuss the relevance of Gladue in serious
cases and compare the sentencing of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders”
(K. Roach, “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Gladue at Ten and in the
Courts of Appeal” (2009), 54 Crim. L.Q. 470, at p. 472). The passage in Gladue
that has received this unwarranted emphasis is the observation that
“[g]enerally, the more violent and serious the offence the more likely it is as
a practical reality that the terms of imprisonment for aboriginals and non-aboriginals
will be close to each other or the same, even taking into account their
different concepts of sentencing” (para. 79; see also Wells, at paras.
42-44). Numerous courts have erroneously interpreted this generalization as an
indication that the Gladue principles do not apply to serious offences
(see, e.g., R. v. Carrière (2002), 164 C.C.C. (3d) 569 (Ont. C.A.)).
[85]
Whatever criticisms may be directed at the
decision of this Court for any ambiguity in this respect, the judgment
ultimately makes it clear that sentencing judges have a duty to apply s.
718.2(e): “There is no discretion as to whether to consider the unique
situation of the aboriginal offender; the only discretion concerns the
determination of a just and appropriate sentence” (Gladue, at para. 82).
Similarly, in Wells, Iacobucci J. reiterated, at para. 50, that
[t]he
generalization drawn in Gladue to the effect that the more violent and
serious the offence, the more likely as a practical matter for similar terms of
imprisonment to be imposed on aboriginal and non-aboriginal offenders, was not
meant to be a principle of universal application. In each case, the sentencing
judge must look to the circumstances of the aboriginal offender.
This element of duty has not
completely escaped the attention of Canadian appellate courts (see, e.g., R.
v. Kakekagamick (2006), 214 O.A.C. 127; R. v. Jensen
(2005), 196 O.A.C. 119; R. v. Abraham, 2000 ABCA 159, 261 A.R.
192).
[86]
In addition to being contrary to this Court’s
direction in Gladue, a sentencing judge’s failure to apply s. 718.2(e)
in the context of serious offences raises several questions. First, what
offences are to be considered “serious” for this purpose? As Ms. Pelletier
points out: “Statutorily speaking, there is no such thing as a ‘serious’
offence. The Code does not make a distinction between serious and
non-serious crimes. There is also no legal test for determining what should be
considered ‘serious’” (R. Pelletier, “The Nullification of Section 718.2(e):
Aggravating Aboriginal Over-representation in Canadian Prisons” (2001), 39 Osgoode
Hall L.J. 469, at p. 479). Trying to carve out an exception from Gladue
for serious offences would inevitably lead to inconsistency in the
jurisprudence due to “the relative ease with which a sentencing judge could
deem any number of offences to be ‘serious’” (Pelletier, at p. 479). It would
also deprive s. 718.2(e) of much of its remedial power, given its focus
on reducing overreliance on incarceration. A second question arises: Who are
courts sentencing if not the offender standing in front of them? If the
offender is Aboriginal, then courts must consider all of the circumstances of
that offender, including the unique circumstances described in Gladue.
There is no sense comparing the sentence that a particular Aboriginal offender
would receive to the sentence that some hypothetical non-Aboriginal offender
would receive, because there is only one offender standing before the court.
[87]
The sentencing judge has a statutory duty,
imposed by s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code , to consider the
unique circumstances of Aboriginal offenders. Failure to apply Gladue in
any case involving an Aboriginal offender runs afoul of this statutory
obligation. As these reasons have explained, such a failure would also result
in a sentence that was not fit and was not consistent with the fundamental
principle of proportionality. Therefore, application of the Gladue principles
is required in every case involving an Aboriginal offender, including breach of
an LTSO, and a failure to do so constitutes an error justifying appellate
intervention.
VI. Application
A. Manasie Ipeelee
[88]
Megginson J. sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to three
years’ imprisonment, less credit for pre-sentence custody. The Court of Appeal
upheld that sentence. Both courts emphasized the serious nature of the breach,
given the documented link between Mr. Ipeelee’s use of alcohol and his
propensity to engage in violence. As a result, both courts emphasized the
objectives of denunciation, deterrence, and protection of the public.
[89]
In my view, the courts below made several errors
in principle warranting appellate intervention. First, the courts reached the
erroneous conclusion that protection of the public is the paramount objective
when sentencing for breach of an LTSO and that rehabilitation plays only a
small role. As discussed, while protection of the public is important, the
legislative purpose of an LTSO as a form of conditional release set out in s.
100 of the CCRA is to rehabilitate offenders and reintegrate them into
society. The courts therefore erred in concluding that rehabilitation was not a
relevant sentencing objective.
[90]
As a result of this error, the courts below gave
only attenuated consideration to Mr. Ipeelee’s circumstances as an Aboriginal
offender. Relying on Carrière, the Court of Appeal concluded that this
was the kind of offence where the sentence will not differ as between
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders, and relying on W. (H.P.), held
that features of Aboriginal sentencing play little or no role when sentencing
long-term offenders. Given certain trends in the jurisprudence discussed above,
it is easy to see how the court reached this conclusion. Nonetheless, they
erred in doing so. These errors justify the Court’s intervention.
[91]
It is therefore necessary to consider what
sentence is warranted in the circumstances. Mr. Ipeelee breached the alcohol
abstention condition of his LTSO. His history indicates a strong correlation
between alcohol use and violent offending. As a result, abstaining from alcohol
is critical to managing his risk in the community. That being said, the conduct
constituting the breach was becoming intoxicated, not becoming intoxicated and
engaging in violence. The Court must focus on the actual incident giving rise
to the breach. A fit sentence should seek to manage the risk of reoffence he
continues to pose to the community in a manner that addresses his alcohol
abuse, rather than punish him for what might have been. To engage in the latter
would certainly run afoul of the principles of fundamental justice.
[92]
At the time of the offence, Mr. Ipeelee was 18
months into his LTSO. He was living in Kingston, where there were few
culturally relevant support systems in place. There is no evidence, other than
one isolated instance of refusing urinalysis, that he consumed alcohol on any
occasion prior to this breach. Mr. Ipeelee’s history indicates that he has
been drinking heavily since the age of 11. Relapse is to be expected as he
continues to address his addiction.
[93]
Taking into account the relevant sentencing
principles, the fact that this is Mr. Ipeelee’s first breach of his LTSO and
that he pleaded guilty to the offence, I would substitute a sentence of one
year’s imprisonment. Given the circumstances of his previous convictions,
abstaining from alcohol is crucial to Mr. Ipeelee’s rehabilitation under the
long-term offender regime. Consequently, this sentence is designed to denounce
Mr. Ipeelee’s conduct and deter him from consuming alcohol in the future. In
addition, it provides a sufficient period of time without access to alcohol so
that Mr. Ipeelee can get back on track with his alcohol treatment. Finally, the
sentence is not so harsh as to suggest to Mr. Ipeelee that success under the
long-term offender regime is simply not possible.
B. Frank Ralph Ladue
[94]
Bagnall Prov. Ct. J. sentenced Mr. Ladue to
three years’ imprisonment, less credit for pre-sentence custody. The majority
of the Court of Appeal intervened and substituted a sentence of one year’s
imprisonment. Bennett J.A., writing for the majority, held that the sentencing
judge made two errors warranting appellate intervention.
[95]
First, the majority of the Court of Appeal held
that the sentencing judge failed to give sufficient weight to Mr. Ladue’s
circumstances as an Aboriginal offender. Although she acknowledged Mr. Ladue’s
Aboriginal status in her reasons for sentence, she failed to give it any
“tangible consideration” (para. 64). In my view, the Court of Appeal was right
to intervene on this basis. The sentencing judge described Mr. Ladue’s history
in great detail, but she failed to consider whether and how that history ought
to impact on her sentencing decision. As a result, she failed to give effect to
Parliament’s direction in s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code . As
the Court of Appeal rightly concluded, this was a case in which the unique
circumstances of the Aboriginal offender indicated that the objective of
rehabilitation ought to have been given greater emphasis:
Mr.
Ladue desires to succeed, as exhibited by his request not to be sent to Belkin
House. However, he is addicted to drugs and alcohol, which can directly be
related to how he was treated as an Aboriginal person. He has not reoffended in
a manner which threatens the safety of the public. He will ultimately be
released into the community without supervision. Unless he can manage his
alcohol and drug addiction in the community he will very likely be a threat to
the public. Repeated efforts at abstinence are not unusual for those dealing
with addiction. Indeed, Mr. Ladue demonstrated that he is capable of abstinence
as shown by his conduct a number of years ago. [para. 63]
[96]
Second, the majority of the Court of Appeal held
that a sentence of three years’ imprisonment was not proportionate to the
gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. The
Court of Appeal placed particular emphasis on the manner in which Mr. Ladue
came to arrive at Belkin House rather than Linkage House. In my view, this
emphasis was entirely warranted. Mr. Ladue is addicted to opiates —
incidentally, a form of the same drug he first began using while incarcerated
in a federal penitentiary. He had arranged to be released to Linkage House
where he would have access to culturally relevant programming and the resources
of an Elder. Instead, as a result of errors made by correctional officials, he
was released to Belkin House where he was immediately tempted by drugs. The
Court of Appeal was therefore justified in reaching the following conclusion:
I acknowledge that Mr. Ladue’s repeated
failure to abstain from substances while on release required some time back in
prison. However, in my respectful opinion, a sentence of one year would
properly reflect the principles and purpose of sentencing. I say this because
it is enough time for Mr. Ladue to achieve sobriety, and enough time for the
correctional staff to find an appropriate placement for him, preferably Linkage
House or another halfway house which emphasizes Aboriginal culture and healing.
In addition, a one-year sentence is more reflective of and more proportionate
to the nature of his offence and his circumstances. . . .
. . .
the circumstances of Mr. Ladue’s background played an instrumental part in his
offending over his lifetime and his rehabilitation is critical to the protection
of the public. [paras. 81-82]
[97]
The judgment of the Court of Appeal is well
founded. Bennett J.A. cogently analysed this Court’s decisions in Gladue
and L.M. and correctly applied those principles to the facts of the
specific case. A sentence of one year’s imprisonment adequately reflects the
principles and objectives of sentencing set out in the Criminal Code . As
a result, I would dismiss the Crown’s appeal and affirm the sentence of one
year’s imprisonment imposed by the majority of the Court of Appeal.
VII. Conclusion
[98]
For the foregoing reasons, I would allow the
offender’s appeal in Ipeelee and substitute a sentence of one year’s
imprisonment. I would dismiss the Crown’s appeal in Ladue.
The following are the reasons delivered by
Rothstein J. (dissenting in part) —
I. Introduction
[99]
I have had the opportunity of reading the reasons
of my colleague Justice LeBel. While I am in agreement with much of what my
colleague has written in the context of general sentencing principles and
application of those principles to Aboriginal offenders, I am of the respectful
opinion that he does not specifically address the issue of the sentencing of
Aboriginal offenders who have been found to be long-term offenders and have
been found guilty of breaching a condition of a long-term supervision order
(“LTSO”).
[100]
I believe that LeBel J.’s reasons conflate the
purpose and objective of LTSOs with the purpose and objective of sentencing for
breaches of such orders. My concern is that the message they send to
sentencing judges as to the weight to be given to considerations relevant to
the sentencing for breaches in such cases is not consistent with Parliamentary
intent. In my opinion, Parliament has said that protection of society is the
paramount consideration when it comes to such sentencing. Elevating
rehabilitation and reintegration into society to a more significant factor diverts
the sentencing judge from adhering to the expressed intention of Parliament.
[101]
With respect to sentencing of Aboriginal
offenders, I agree that s. 718.2 (e) of the Criminal Code,
R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46 , pertaining to Aboriginal offenders, is mandatory and must
be applied in all cases, including the case of long-term Aboriginal offenders.
However, once an Aboriginal individual is found to be a long-term offender, and
the offender has breached one or more conditions of his or her LTSO,
alternatives to a significant prison term will be limited. The risk the
Aboriginal offender poses in the community is substantial and the management of
that risk has been compromised. That is the reality facing the judge charged
with fixing an appropriate sentence in such circumstances.
II. Facts
A. Manasie Ipeelee
[102]
Manasie Ipeelee, an Inuk, was born on December
28, 1972, in Iqaluit and grew up in that community. He suffered a tragic
upbringing, which saw the death of his alcoholic mother when he was a child and
the development of his own serious alcohol addiction by the time he was 12
years old. His life is marked by an ever-present alcohol addiction coupled
with a propensity to inflict brutal violence on those with whom he comes into
contact while intoxicated.
[103]
From the age of 12 to 18, he accumulated a
record of 36 convictions, mostly property-related. As an adult, Mr. Ipeelee
continued to commit property offences, but added to them a series of
increasingly violent crimes. The series of violent offences began in September
1992, when he was 19. On this occasion, he attacked a man with an ashtray and
chair when he was refused entry into the victim’s home. He pled guilty to
assault causing bodily harm and was sentenced to 21 days’ imprisonment followed
by one year’s probation.
[104]
In August 1993, he committed a second assault
causing bodily harm when, while on probation for the prior offence, he beat an
individual unconscious outside a bar in Iqaluit, kicking him in the face at
least 10 times and continuing the assault after the individual had lost
consciousness. This attack left the victim hospitalized. Less than one year
later he pled guilty to yet another aggravated assault. This time the victim
was hospitalized after being beaten to unconsciousness by Mr. Ipeelee, who then
continued to stomp on his face. Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to 5 months’
imprisonment for the August 1993 offence and 14 months for the subsequent
offence.
[105]
Three weeks after receiving early release from
prison for this attack, he committed a sexual assault in which he and another
man raped a woman who had passed out from intoxication at a party. He pled
guilty and received a sentence of two years in prison. A consecutive eight-month
sentence was added for his escape from prison two days before the plea and sentencing
hearing. In the six months after his release for this offence, he was arrested
at least nine times for public intoxication.
[106]
In August 1999, he committed a sexual assault
causing bodily harm when he raped a homeless woman, during the course of which
he threatened to kill her, and punched her repeatedly in the face. The woman
required treatment in hospital for her injuries. It was this crime that led to
his designation as a long-term offender. At the hearing the sentencing judge
noted (2001 NWTSC 33, [2001] N.W.T.J. No. 30 (QL)):
This
summary of Mr. Ipeelee’s crimes of violence shows a consistent pattern of Mr.
Ipeelee administering gratuitous violence against vulnerable, helpless people
while he is in a state of intoxication. [para. 34]
Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced
to six years’ imprisonment for this offence to be followed by a 10-year LTSO.
[107]
The offence that led to this appeal occurred in
August 2008 after Mr. Ipeelee had been on release for 17 months. On this
occasion, police found Mr. Ipeelee intoxicated in downtown Kingston and he was
charged with breaching the abstention from intoxicants condition of his LTSO.
He pled guilty on November 14, 2008, and received a sentence of three years in
prison.
B. Frank Ralph Ladue
[108]
Frank Ladue is a member of the Ross River Dena
Council, an Aboriginal community of approximately 500 individuals located 400
kilometres northeast of Whitehorse. He was born in 1962 and, like Mr. Ipeelee,
suffered a tragic childhood, with both alcoholic parents dying while he was quite
young. At the age of five, he was sent to a residential school and on his
return, he lived with his grandparents. It was then, at the age of nine, that
he began drinking. He has continued to have serious problems with alcohol and
drugs throughout his life, with the exception of a six-year period of sobriety
in the 1990s, a time when he was also free of convictions.
[109]
Mr. Ladue has a criminal record of 40
convictions. It includes a lengthy list of property and impaired driving
offences. He has two convictions for robbery, and two convictions for common
assault. His most serious convictions stem from a series of sexual assaults.
The first occurred in 1987 when he sexually assaulted an unconscious woman at a
party. In 1998, he was convicted of breaking and entering. During the break
and enter, he placed a sleeping bag over a sleeping woman’s head and shoulders,
but fled when her daughter interrupted him. Although he was not convicted of
sexual assault, the sentencing judge at Mr. Ladue’s 2003 hearing, where he was
designated a long-term offender, found the incident “eerily similar” to the
previous sexual assaults (2003 YKTC 100 (CanLII), at para. 7). In June of
1999, he was found guilty of sexually assaulting yet another unconscious
woman. For the 1987 conviction, he was sentenced to imprisonment for 23
months, for the 1998 conviction 4 months and for the 1999 conviction 30 months.
[110]
His most recent sexual assault occurred in
2002. On this occasion he entered a dwelling house without permission from the
occupants and found a 22-year-old woman in the living room unconscious due to
alcohol consumption. When she awoke, Mr. Ladue was assaulting her and
attempting to remove her pants. She was unable to resist due to her
intoxication, but the attack was interrupted when other residents of the house
were awakened by what was happening and Mr. Ladue escaped from the home. He
was convicted following a trial for break and enter and sexual assault and
sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. It was this offence that caused him to
be found a long-term offender.
[111]
Mr. Ladue was released under a seven-year LTSO
in December 2006. During the time between his release and the breach in
question in this appeal, he was convicted for breaching his LTSO by consuming
intoxicants on three occasions and sentenced in total to two years in prison,
with 16 and a half months credited for pre-sentence custody. On May 23, 2009,
he had his LTSO suspended for the tenth time between December 2006 and May 2009
and remained in custody until August 12, 2009.
[112]
Upon release he was designated by the
Correctional Service of Canada (“CSC”) to be sent to Linkage House in Kamloops,
British Columbia, where he would receive culturally specific support from an
Aboriginal Elder. However, an outstanding warrant requiring Mr. Ladue to
submit to a DNA test was discovered at the time of his release. Apparently,
due to a bureaucratic error, the warrant had not been executed during his
period of detention and, according to counsel for Mr. Ladue in this Court,
may have been altogether unnecessary, as a DNA sample may have been provided
under a previous warrant. The warrant required that he appear in Surrey, B.C.
This resulted in Mr. Ladue being sent to Belkin House, in downtown Vancouver,
which did not offer the specialized support of Linkage House in Kamloops. Upon
arrival, he was informed that his residency status did not allow an immediate
transfer to Linkage House and that he would have to remain at Belkin House
until the National Parole Board made the necessary change to his status.
Within one week of his arrival at Belkin House, he reoffended and was
subsequently charged with breaching his LTSO by consuming intoxicants. He pled
guilty in February 2010 and received a sentence of three years in prison.
III. General Principles of Sentencing
[113]
The statutory provisions referred to in these
reasons are set out in the Appendix in full. Section 718 of the Criminal
Code codifies the objectives and principles of sentencing. They apply to
the sentencing of all offenders including long-term offenders who breach their
LTSOs.
[114]
I agree with Justice LeBel that a fundamental
principle of sentencing must be proportionality and that the weight given to
the different objectives of sentencing must respect that fundamental
principle. The first question that arises in this case is how these objectives
and principles are to be applied when a judge is required to fix a sentence for
a long-term offender who has breached one or more conditions of his LTSO.
IV. Long-Term Offenders
[115]
Section 753.1(1) of the Criminal Code
sets out three criteria for finding an individual to be a long-term offender:
753.1 (1) The court may . . . find
an offender to be a long-term offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it
would be appropriate to impose a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more
for the offence for which the offender has been convicted;
(b) there
is a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend; and
(c) there is a reasonable
possibility of eventual control of the risk in the community.
[116]
Section 753.1(1) (b) requires a finding
that there be a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend. Section
753.1(2) provides the criteria for a finding of substantial risk of reoffending
by the offender. The court must be satisfied that the offender has committed a
specified sexual offence or a violent offence that involves a sexual element
and a pattern of repetitious behaviour or previous conviction for a sexual
offence, thereby showing a likelihood of causing death, injury, inflicting
psychological damage, pain, or other evil in the future. The criminal history
of these individuals and their propensity to reoffend demonstrates the
extraordinary danger they pose to society.
V. Long-Term Supervision Orders
[117]
The distinction between dangerous offenders, who
are incarcerated indefinitely, and long-term offenders is the finding that
there is a reasonable possibility for eventual control in the community of the
long-term offender’s substantial risk of reoffending. If the court finds an
offender to be a long-term offender, it shall order that the offender be
subject to long-term supervision for up to 10 years (s. 753.1(3) (b)),
during which he or she is to be supervised in the community, by a parole
supervisor (s. 753.2(1)). Thus, instead of indefinite detention, long-term
offenders will return to the community under supervision and be subject to a
series of conditions prescribed in s. 161(1) of the Corrections and
Conditional Release Regulations, SOR/92-620, as may be modified or
supplemented by the National Parole Board under s. 134.1(2) of the Corrections
and Conditional Release Act, S.C. 1992, c. 20 (“CCRA ”). Section 134.1(2) provides that the
conditions prescribed by the Board are to be reasonable and necessary for both
the protection of society and the successful reintegration into society of the
offender.
[118]
Section 100 of the CCRA states:
100.
The purpose of conditional release is to contribute to the maintenance of a just,
peaceful and safe society by means of decisions on the timing and conditions of
release that will best facilitate the rehabilitation of offenders and their
reintegration into the community as law-abiding citizens.
[119]
Section 100 applies to all offenders, including
long-term offenders. The maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society is
the purpose of a release with conditions. Decisions on the timing and
conditions of release that will best facilitate rehabilitation and
reintegration into society are the means by which the purpose is to be
effected. However, to achieve the purpose of conditional release, s. 101 (a)
of the CCRA states
that
the protection of society be the paramount consideration in the determination
of any case.
The principle of protection
of society is, of course, especially important in the case of long-term
offenders because of their substantial risk of violently reoffending.
[120]
To this point, my only difference with Justice
LeBel is that I read the relevant legislation as providing that protection of
the public is the paramount consideration in setting the timing and conditions
for release. I do not view rehabilitation and reintegration into society as an
equal consideration. Rather, if the objectives of rehabilitation and reintegration
are met, they will be the most effective and permanent methods to achieve the
protection of the public. However, there is no guarantee that rehabilitation
and reintegration will be achieved with long-term offenders in view of their
history of repetitive sexual or violent behaviour. Therefore, in accordance
with s. 101 (a), protection of the public must stand as the paramount
consideration in fixing the timing and conditions of release, especially in the
case of long-term offenders, who pose a threat of serious violence and harm to
other members of society.
VI. Breaches of Long-Term Supervision Orders
[121]
Where I part serious company with my learned
colleague is with respect to the proper approach to sentencing for breaches of
an LTSO. In my respectful opinion, LeBel J. has not taken account of the
difference between the objectives and requirements of LTSOs for long-term
offenders who abide by the conditions of their LTSOs and the objectives and
requirements of sentencing long-term offenders who have breached a condition of
their LTSOs.
[122]
The breach of the LTSO raises serious concerns
that rehabilitation and reintegration are not being achieved and calls into
doubt whether, despite supervision, the long-term offender has demonstrated
that the substantial risk of reoffending in a violent manner in the community
by the long-term offender can be adequately managed. Therefore, protection of
society must be the dominant consideration in sentencing for breaches of an
LTSO. Indeed, if protection of the public is the paramount consideration when
setting the conditions of release, it logically must remain the paramount
consideration when sentencing for a breach of those conditions.
[123]
In this context, it is significant that s.
753.3(1) of the Criminal Code provides that a breach of an LTSO
constitutes an indictable offence, as opposed to a hybrid offence, with a
maximum sentence of 10 years. The maximum term is for the breach of the LTSO
exclusively and is not dependent on the long-term offender having been found
guilty of another substantive offence, violent or otherwise. The necessary
implication is that Parliament viewed breaches of LTSOs as posing such risk to
the protection of society that long-term offenders may have to be separated
from society for a significant period of time. In effect, Parliament requires
a sentencing judge not to wait until a long-term offender wounds, maims,
sexually assaults, or kills someone before receiving a significant sentence.
[124]
Of course, while all conditions of an LTSO are
intended to minimize the risk of reoffending, breach of some conditions will be
more important than others. As Ritter J.A. pointed out in R. v. W. (H.P.),
2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20, at para. 44:
I
also recognize that the seriousness of any breach will be greatly diminished if
the breach is purely technical. For example, a breach regarding a reporting
requirement should be regarded as nominal if the offender, for reasons beyond
his control, was a few minutes late for a reporting appointment.
[125]
On the other hand, where a breach is central to
the substantial risk of reoffending, such as where alcohol or substance
consumption has been found to be the trigger for violent offences by the
long-term offender, the breach must be considered to be very serious. Such a
breach demonstrates that management of the offender in the community has been
less than effective and the substantial risk of a violent reoffence is
heightened. Therefore, in sentencing for the breach of a condition of an LTSO,
which is central to the risk of the long-term offender violently reoffending,
the protection of the public, more so than the rehabilitation or reintegration
of the offender, must be the dominant consideration of the sentencing judge in
the determination of a fit and proper sentence.
VII. Sentencing Principles Applicable to Aboriginal Offenders
[126]
I agree with LeBel J. that s. 718.2 (e)
requires a sentencing judge to consider background and systemic factors in
crafting a sentence, and all available sanctions other than imprisonment that
are reasonable in the circumstances for all offenders, with particular
attention to Aboriginal offenders. These factors operate, not as an excuse or
justification for criminal conduct, but rather as context for the sentencing
judge to determine an appropriate sentence. They do not create a race-based
discount in sentencing and do not mandate remedying over-representation by
artificially reducing incarceration rates.
[127]
Cory and Iacobucci JJ. pointed out in R. v.
Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688, at para. 65, that sentencing judges have only
a limited role in remedying injustice against Aboriginal peoples in Canada.
This limited role, however, does not mean they do not have an important role.
Sentencing judges must guard against racial discrimination in sentencing. I do
not go so far as to endorse the academic commentary cited by my colleague, but
I do agree that racial discrimination in sentencing, such as the propensity of
Aboriginal offenders to receive unjustifiably longer sentences than non-Aboriginals
or imprisonment when non-Aboriginals would not be imprisoned, is something for
which sentencing judges must remain vigilant.
[128]
The role of a sentencing judge in remedying such
injustice may most effectively be carried out through alternative sentencing.
However, this requires that they be presented with viable sentencing
alternatives to imprisonment that may play a stronger role “in restoring a
sense of balance to the offender, victim, and community, and in preventing
future crime” (Gladue, at para. 65). As with all sentencing, this must
be done with regard to the particular individual, the threat they pose, and
their chances of rehabilitation and reintegration. Evaluating these options
lies within the discretion of the sentencing judge.
VIII. The Application of Section 718.2 (e) and Gladue
to Long-Term Offenders
[129]
The particular circumstances of long-term
offenders leads me to disagree with my colleague when it comes to sentencing
Aboriginal long-term offenders for breaches of conditions of their LTSOs. At
para. 79 of Gladue, Cory and Iacobucci JJ. observed:
Generally,
the more violent and serious the offence the more likely it is as a practical reality that the terms of imprisonment for aboriginals and
non-aboriginals will be close to each other or the same, even taking into
account their different concepts of sentencing.
I agree with LeBel J.
that these comments are not to be read by sentencing judges as a justification
not to apply s. 718.2 (e) or to ignore the unique situation of
Aboriginal offenders (paras. 84-85). But, in the context of
s. 718.2 (e), sentencing judges are obliged to exercise their
discretion as to the appropriate sentence, having regard to all relevant
considerations. Obviously, the substantial risk a long-term offender poses to
the community is a relevant consideration in sentencing for the breach of an
LTSO.
[130]
I have set out my views above that in the case
of long-term offenders, the paramount consideration is the protection of
society. This applies to all long-term offenders, including Aboriginal
long-term offenders who have compromised the management of their risk of
reoffending by breaching a condition of their LTSOs. In these circumstances,
the alternatives to imprisonment become very limited.
[131]
I do not rule out alternatives. However, the
alternative must be viable. The sentencing judge must be satisfied that they
are consistent with protection of society. Alternatives may include returning
Aboriginal offenders to their communities. However, as in all cases, this must
be done with protection of the public as the paramount concern; Aboriginal
communities are not a separate category entitled to less protection because the
offender is Aboriginal. Where the breach of an LTSO goes to the control of the
Aboriginal offender in the community, rehabilitation and reintegration into
society will have faltered, if not failed. In such a case, the sentencing
judge may have no alternative but to separate the Aboriginal long-term offender
from society for a significant period of time. Nevertheless, during the period
of incarceration, the Aboriginal status of the long-term offender should be
taken into account for the purpose of providing appropriate programs that are
intended to rehabilitate the offender so that upon release, the substantial
risk of reoffending may be controlled.
IX. Application
A. Ipeelee
[132]
The sentencing judge, Justice Megginson,
sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to three years’ imprisonment ([2009] O.J. No. 6413
(QL)). The Court of Appeal upheld Justice Megginson’s decision (2009 ONCA 892,
99 O.R. (3d) 419). The question is whether this is a fit and proper sentence.
[133]
In my opinion, Justice Megginson’s findings
demonstrate a thorough appreciation of the circumstances. He considered Mr.
Ipeelee’s circumstances, his personal and criminal history, and his efforts at
rehabilitation and reintegration while in the community. He acknowledged that
Mr. Ipeelee was Inuit and entitled to consideration of his Aboriginal status.
He noted that crafting an alternative sentence would be difficult, as Mr.
Ipeelee had been refused residency at a facility in Iqaluit. In my view, he
properly recognized that protection of the public was the paramount concern in
breaches of LTSOs.
[134]
LeBel J. finds at paras. 89 and 95 that in this
appeal and in Ladue, the courts erred in concluding that rehabilitation
was not a relevant factor in their sentencing decisions. I do not read their
decisions or the decision of the Ontario Court of Appeal in that way. On my
reading of those decisions, all judges considered the principle of
rehabilitation in sentencing, only to ultimately find that it should play a
small role given that Mr. Ipeelee and Mr. Ladue are long-term offenders and as
both had breached conditions of their LTSOs.
[135]
In Ipeelee, the Crown requested a
sentence of three to five years, while Mr. Ipeelee requested a sentence not
exceeding 12 months. Justice Megginson imposed a sentence of three years, at
the low end of the range proposed by the Crown, which, in his opinion,
adequately reflected Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal status and the mitigating effect
of his guilty plea.
[136]
Justice LeBel minimizes the significance of Mr.
Ipeelee’s breach because it only involved intoxication, not becoming
intoxicated and engaging in violence. With respect, this ignores the basic
fact that Mr. Ipeelee’s intoxication is the precursor to his engaging in
violence and it is the management of the high risk of a violent reoffence that
has been compromised by his alcohol consumption.
[137]
As a long-term offender, Mr. Ipeelee has been
found to show a pattern of repetitive behaviour with a likelihood of causing
death or physical or psychological injury or a likelihood of causing injury,
pain or other evil to other persons in the future through failure to control
his sexual impulses. His alcohol consumption is central to such behaviour. I
emphasize that s. 753.3(1) provides that breach of an LTSO is an
indictable offence with a maximum sentence of up to 10 years and no substantive
offence, violent or otherwise, need have also been committed. Parliament
obviously considered the breach of an LTSO, by itself, a serious offence. That
is what the sentencing judge considered relevant, and I can find no fault in
his so doing.
[138]
The exercise of discretion by a sentencing judge
is entitled to significant deference from an appellate court. Deference is
appropriate as sentencing judges have important advantages over appellate
courts in crafting a particular sentence. Those advantages were well set out
by Lamer C.J. in R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500:
A
sentencing judge still enjoys a position of advantage over an appellate judge
in being able to directly assess the sentencing submissions of both the Crown
and the offender. A sentencing judge also possesses the unique qualifications
of experience and judgment from having served on the front lines of our
criminal justice system. Perhaps most importantly, the sentencing judge will
normally preside near or within the community which has suffered the
consequences of the offender's crime. As such, the sentencing judge will have a
strong sense of the particular blend of sentencing goals that will be “just and
appropriate” for the protection of that community. The determination of a just
and appropriate sentence is a delicate art which attempts to balance carefully
the societal goals of sentencing against the moral blameworthiness of the
offender and the circumstances of the offence, while at all times taking into
account the needs and current conditions of and in the community. The discretion
of a sentencing judge should thus not be interfered with lightly. [para. 91]
[139]
Lamer C.J. outlined the limited role of
appellate courts in matters of sentencing:
Put
simply, absent an error in principle, failure to consider a relevant factor, or
an overemphasis of the appropriate factors, a court of appeal should only
intervene to vary a sentence imposed at trial if the sentence is demonstrably
unfit. [M. (C.A.), at para. 90]
[140]
I find no error in principle, no failure to
consider relevant factors or an overemphasis on the appropriate factors by
Justice Megginson. I cannot say the sentence he imposed was demonstrably
unfit. I would dismiss this appeal.
B. Ladue
[141]
In this case, Judge Bagnall sentenced Mr. Ladue
to three years’ imprisonment (2010 BCPC 410 (CanLII)). The majority of the Court
of Appeal reduced the three-year sentence to one year. Chiasson J.A.,
dissenting in the Court of Appeal, would have ordered a sentence of two years
(2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93).
[142]
The sentencing judge commented on Mr. Ladue’s
particular background. She quoted from his pre-sentence report which
referenced his “horrible and tragic” experience in a residential school and
commented on his bleak future (para. 22). She also referred to his appraisal
report, which further documented his residential school experience and that he
had been the victim of abuse.
[143]
With regard to his LTSO, she observed that
Mr. Ladue had been previously convicted three times for breaching the
order by consuming intoxicants. She noted that he was initially scheduled to
be released to Linkage House, in Kamloops, but, because of an outstanding DNA
warrant, was sent to Belkin House in downtown Vancouver to have it attended to.
She acknowledged Mr. Ladue’s submission that being placed at Belkin House
minimized his chance for successful rehabilitation, but did not accept it. She
said that, upon arrival at Belkin House, he was warned not to associate with a
particular offender, but did so and slipped almost immediately back into drug
and alcohol use. He was given a second chance at Belkin House, but to no
avail, and eventually admitted to using cocaine and morphine since his
arrival. This led to the charge of breaching his LTSO.
[144]
A community assessment report compiled by a
parole officer in September 2009 for the benefit of the Kamloops Parole Office
was critical of Mr. Ladue’s placement at Belkin House.
[Mr. Ladue] desperately needs to get away from
downtown Vancouver. He requires the onsite resources of an Elder and
ceremony. He needs to get immediately in touch with a residential school
trauma counsellor. . . .
. . .
The purpose of this report is to re-screen Mr.
Ladue into Linkage House for potential residence while serving his Long-Term
Supervision Order (LTSO). . . .
. . .
Mr.
Wolkosky continues to believe Mr. Ladue could be managed at Linkage House. It
is expected that Mr. Ladue’s negative associates will not be located in the
Kamloops region. Substance abuse is not tolerated at Linkage and consequences
can be expected if this were to occur. Mr. Wolkosky feels CSC, JHS and
RCMP can work together to assist Mr. Ladue with successful reintegration.
[A.R., at pp. 139-40]
[145]
An appraisal report dated September 2009 noted
that Mr. Ladue had participated in Aboriginal programs to address “his need
areas”, but none were sufficient to address his risk. In the end, the report
found that his “risk to the community is high and currently unmanageable”
(A.R., at p. 136).
[146]
The Crown sought a sentence of 18 months to two
years. Mr. Ladue asked for a much shorter sentence. The sentencing judge
found that the only way to protect the community, given Mr. Ladue’s high risk
of reoffending sexually and moderate to high risk of reoffending violently, was
to emphasize the objective of isolation. She found that in spite of successful
completion of treatment, he was unable or unwilling to abstain from the
consumption of intoxicants and that he was much more likely to reoffend in such
circumstances. She noted that the indictable nature of the breach and the maximum
sentence of 10 years indicate Parliament’s view that this is a serious offence
and that, even if Mr. Ladue did not commit a substantive offence, his breach
was serious. The judge found the 18 to 24 month range recommended by the Crown
inadequate and sentenced Mr. Ladue to three years’ imprisonment.
[147]
In reducing Mr. Ladue’s sentence to one year,
the majority of the Court of Appeal found that the sentencing judge did not
give sufficient weight to the circumstances of Mr. Ladue as an Aboriginal
offender, overemphasized the principle of separating the offender and gave
insufficient weight to the principle of rehabilitation. The majority said that
the sentencing judge did not give Mr. Ladue’s Aboriginal heritage tangible
consideration “which will often impact the length and type of sentence imposed.
. . . There was nothing to indicate that [Mr. Ladue] had come close to engaging
in the violent sexual behaviour . . . . [T]he role of rehabilitation will
depend on the circumstances of the offender and is not dependent on his or her
designation” (paras. 64, 68 and 71).
[148]
The majority also observed that the corrections
report found that Linkage House in Kamloops offered the best chance at
rehabilitation for Mr. Ladue. However,
[b]ecause
of a bureaucratic error, he was not sent there following his last release.
Instead, he was sent to Belkin House, which placed him back into a milieu where
he was sorely tempted by drugs. [para. 76]
[149]
In the opinion of the majority, a one-year
sentence would be enough time for Mr. Ladue to deal with his substance abuse
problem and for the CSC to find an appropriate placement for him, preferably
Linkage House or another halfway house which emphasizes Aboriginal culture and
healing. They observed that his prior sentence for violation of his LTSO was
based on time served on remand. An increase to three years was found to be
excessive.
[150]
In dissent, Chiasson J.A. was of the opinion
that the sentencing judge did not err in her consideration of the Aboriginal
circumstances of Mr. Ladue but did fail to recognize that his breach of
condition did not lead him on a path of reoffending. He would have imposed a
sentence of two years.
[151]
I agree with Chiasson J.A. that Mr. Ladue’s
Aboriginal background was considered and weighed in the sentencing judge’s
decision. As I noted in the case of Mr. Ipeelee, it is not open to an
appellate court to interfere with a sentence simply because it would have
weighed the relevant factors differently. It is only when it can be said that
the exercise of discretion was unreasonable that the appeal court may interfere
with the sentence.
[152]
While I do not entirely agree with the reasoning
of the majority of the Court of Appeal, nonetheless, in my respectful opinion,
there is another reason to agree with the one-year sentence they imposed.
[153]
The distinguishing aspect of this case is what
the Court of Appeal called the “bureaucratic error” (para. 76). Because of
that error, Mr. Ladue was sent to Belkin House in downtown Vancouver
rather than Linkage House in Kamloops. The sentencing judge does not appear to
have considered that it was this error that caused Mr. Ladue to be sent to
Belkin House, which apparently tolerates serious drug abusers and does not
provide programs for Aboriginal offenders.
[154]
I do not absolve Mr. Ladue of responsibility for
his own conduct. However, the CSC said that Linkage House was the appropriate
location for Mr. Ladue. It was their error that caused him to be placed in an
environment where, having regard to his known addiction, he was especially vulnerable
to breaching his LTSO.
[155]
The sentencing judge does not refer to the fact
that the cause of Mr. Ladue being sent to Belkin House rather than Linkage
House was a “bureaucratic error”. In my respectful opinion, she failed to take
account of this relevant consideration. Due to no fault of his own and
contrary to the recommended course of rehabilitation, Mr. Ladue was sent to a
facility that placed him in harm’s way.
[156]
Section 718.1 of the Criminal Code
provides:
718.1 A
sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender.
This is not a situation
where the offender failed to take up an opportunity that the criminal justice
system had given him to rehabilitate. Rather, the system’s bureaucratic error
deprived him of that opportunity. The CSC must bear some “degree of
responsibility” for Mr. Ladue’s breach.
[157]
For the reasons that I have given, the
sentencing judge did not err in focussing on protection of society as the
paramount consideration in her sentencing decision. But this was a case where
there was a realistic opportunity for rehabilitation that was denied Mr. Ladue
by the system’s “bureaucratic error”. This relevant consideration was not
taken into account by the sentencing judge. This failure meant that Mr.
Ladue’s moral blameworthiness was not properly assessed (see M. (C.A.),
at para 79, and R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1 S.C.R. 206, at
para. 42). In the circumstances and having regard to the fact that the
CSC must bear some responsibility for Mr. Ladue’s breach, I would agree
with the result reached by the majority of the Court of Appeal and Justice
LeBel and find that one year was a fit and proper sentence. I would dismiss
this appeal.
APPENDIX
Criminal
Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46
718. The fundamental purpose of sentencing is to contribute, along
with crime prevention initiatives, to respect for the law and the maintenance
of a just, peaceful and safe society by imposing just sanctions that have one
or more of the following objectives:
(a) to denounce unlawful
conduct;
(b) to deter the offender
and other persons from committing offences;
(c) to separate offenders
from society, where necessary;
(d) to assist in
rehabilitating offenders;
(e) to provide reparations
for harm done to victims or to the community; and
(f) to promote a sense
of responsibility in offenders, and acknowledgment of the harm done to victims
and to the community.
718.1 A
sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender.
718.2 A court that
imposes a sentence shall also take into consideration the following principles:
(a) a sentence should be increased or reduced to account
for any relevant aggravating or mitigating circumstances relating to the
offence or the offender, and, without limiting the generality of the foregoing,
(i) evidence
that the offence was motivated by bias, prejudice or hate based on race,
national or ethnic origin, language, colour, religion, sex, age, mental or
physical disability, sexual orientation, or any other similar factor,
(ii) evidence
that the offender, in committing the offence, abused the offender’s spouse or
common-law partner,
(ii.1) evidence
that the offender, in committing the offence, abused a person under the age of
eighteen years,
(iii) evidence
that the offender, in committing the offence, abused a position of trust or
authority in relation to the victim,
(iv) evidence
that the offence was committed for the benefit of, at the direction of or in
association with a criminal organization, or
(v) evidence
that the offence was a terrorism offence
shall be deemed to be aggravating
circumstances;
(b) a sentence should be similar to sentences imposed on
similar offenders for similar offences committed in similar circumstances;
(c) where consecutive sentences are imposed, the
combined sentence should not be unduly long or harsh;
(d) an offender should not be deprived of liberty,
if less restrictive sanctions may be appropriate in the circumstances; and
(e) all available sanctions other than imprisonment
that are reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all
offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal
offenders.
753.1 (1) The
court may, on application made under this Part following the filing of an
assessment report under subsection 752.1(2), find an offender to be a long-term
offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it would be
appropriate to impose a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more for the
offence for which the offender has been convicted;
(b) there is a
substantial risk that the offender will reoffend; and
(c) there is a reasonable
possibility of eventual control of the risk in the community.
(2) The court shall be satisfied
that there is a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend if
(a) the offender has been
convicted of an offence under section 151 (sexual interference), 152 (invitation
to sexual touching) or 153 (sexual exploitation), subsection 163.1(2) (making
child pornography), subsection 163.1(3) (distribution, etc., of child
pornography), subsection 163.1(4) (possession of child pornography), subsection
163.1(4.1) (accessing child pornography), section 172.1 (luring a child),
subsection 173(2) (exposure) or section 271 (sexual assault), 272 (sexual
assault with a weapon) or 273 (aggravated sexual assault), or has engaged in
serious conduct of a sexual nature in the commission of another offence of
which the offender has been convicted; and
(b) the offender
(i) has
shown a pattern of repetitive
behaviour, of which the offence for which he or she has been convicted forms a
part, that shows a likelihood of the offender’s causing death or injury to
other persons or inflicting severe psychological damage on other persons, or
(ii) by
conduct in any sexual matter including that involved in the commission of the
offence for which the offender has been convicted, has shown a likelihood of
causing injury, pain or other evil to other persons in the future through
similar offences.
(3) If the court finds an
offender to be a long-term offender, it shall
(a) impose a sentence for
the offence for which the offender has been convicted, which must be a minimum
punishment of imprisonment for a term of two years; and
(b) order that the
offender be subject to long-term supervision for a period that does not exceed
10 years.
753.2 (1)
Subject to subsection (2), an offender who is subject to long-term supervision
shall be supervised in the community in accordance with the Corrections and
Conditional Release Act when the offender has finished serving
(a) the sentence for the
offence for which the offender has been convicted; and
(b) all other sentences
for offences for which the offender is convicted and for which sentence of a
term of imprisonment is imposed on the offender, either before or after the
conviction for the offence referred to in paragraph (a).
753.3 (1)
An offender who, without reasonable excuse, fails or refuses to comply with
long-term supervision is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to
imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years.
Corrections
and Conditional Release Regulations, SOR/92-620
161.
(1) For the purposes of subsection 133(2) of the
Act, every offender who is released on parole or statutory release is subject
to the following conditions, namely, that the offender
(a) on release, travel
directly to the offender’s place of residence, as set out in the release
certificate respecting the offender, and report to the offender’s parole
supervisor immediately and thereafter as instructed by the parole supervisor;
(b) remain at all times
in Canada within the territorial boundaries fixed by the parole supervisor;
(c) obey the law and keep
the peace;
(d) inform the parole
supervisor immediately on arrest or on being questioned by the police;
(e) at all times carry
the release certificate and the identity card provided by the releasing
authority and produce them on request for identification to any peace officer
or parole supervisor;
(f) report to the police
if and as instructed by the parole supervisor;
(g) advise the parole supervisor
of the offender’s address of residence on release and thereafter report
immediately
(i) any
change in the offender’s
address of residence,
(ii) any
change in the offender’s normal
occupation, including employment, vocational or educational training and
volunteer work,
(iii) any
change in the domestic or financial situation of the
offender and, on request of the parole supervisor, any change that the offender
has knowledge of in the family situation of the offender, and
(iv) any
change that may reasonably be
expected to affect the offender’s ability to comply with the conditions of
parole or statutory release;
(h) not own, possess or have the control of any weapon, as defined
in section 2 of the Criminal Code , except as authorized by the parole
supervisor; and
(i) in respect of an offender released on day parole, on
completion of the day parole, return to the penitentiary from which the
offender was released on the date and at the time provided for in the release
certificate.
(2) For
the purposes of subsection 133(2) of the Act, every offender who is released on
unescorted temporary absence is subject to the following conditions, namely,
that the offender
(a) on release, travel directly to the destination set out
in the absence permit respecting the offender, report to a parole supervisor as
directed by the releasing authority and follow the release plan approved by the
releasing authority;
(b) remain in Canada within the territorial boundaries
fixed by the parole supervisor for the duration of the absence;
(c) obey the law and keep
the peace;
(d) inform the parole
supervisor immediately on arrest or on being questioned by the police;
(e) at all times carry the
absence permit and the identity card provided by the releasing authority and
produce them on request for identification to any peace officer or parole
supervisor;
(f) report to the police
if and as instructed by the
releasing authority;
(g) return to the penitentiary from which the offender was
released on the date and at the time provided for in the absence permit;
(h) not own, possess or
have the control of any weapon, as defined in section 2 of the Criminal Code ,
except as authorized by the parole supervisor.
Corrections
and Conditional Release Act, S.C. 1992, c. 20
3. The
purpose of the federal correctional system is to contribute to the maintenance
of a just, peaceful and safe society by
(a) carrying out
sentences imposed by courts through the safe and humane custody and supervision
of offenders; and
(b) assisting the
rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration into the community as
law-abiding citizens through the provision of programs in penitentiaries and in
the community.
4. The principles that shall guide the Service in achieving the purpose
referred to in section 3 are
(a) that the protection
of society be the paramount consideration in the corrections process;
(b) that the sentence be
carried out having regard to all relevant available information, including the
stated reasons and recommendations of the sentencing judge, other information
from the trial or sentencing process, the release policies of, and any comments
from, the National Parole Board, and information obtained from victims and
offenders;
(c) that the Service
enhance its effectiveness and openness through the timely exchange of relevant
information with other components of the criminal justice system, and through
communication about its correctional policies and programs to offenders,
victims and the public;
(d) that the Service use
the least restrictive measures consistent with the protection of the public,
staff members and offenders;
(e) that offenders retain
the rights and privileges of all members of society, except those rights and
privileges that are necessarily removed or restricted as a consequence of the
sentence;
(f) that the Service
facilitate the involvement of members of the public in matters relating to the
operations of the Service;
(g) that correctional
decisions be made in a forthright and fair manner, with access by the offender
to an effective grievance procedure;
(h) that correctional
policies, programs and practices respect gender, ethnic, cultural and
linguistic differences and be responsive to the special needs of women and
aboriginal peoples, as well as to the needs of other groups of offenders with
special requirements;
(i) that offenders are
expected to obey penitentiary rules and conditions governing temporary absence,
work release, parole and statutory release, and to actively participate in
programs designed to promote their rehabilitation and reintegration; and
(j) that staff members
be properly selected and trained, and be given
(i) appropriate
career development opportunities,
(ii) good
working conditions, including a workplace environment that is free of practices
that undermine a person’s sense of personal dignity, and
(iii) opportunities
to participate in the
development of correctional policies and programs.
100. The
purpose of conditional release is to contribute to the maintenance of a just,
peaceful and safe society by means of decisions on the timing and conditions of
release that will best facilitate the rehabilitation of offenders and their
reintegration into the community as law-abiding citizens.
101. The principles that shall guide the Board and the provincial
parole boards in achieving the purpose of conditional release are
(a) that the protection
of society be the paramount consideration in the determination of any case;
(b) that parole boards
take into consideration all available information that is relevant to a case,
including the stated reasons and recommendations of the sentencing judge, any
other information from the trial or the sentencing hearing, information and
assessments provided by correctional authorities, and information obtained from
victims and the offender;
(c) that parole boards
enhance their effectiveness and openness through the timely exchange of
relevant information with other components of the criminal justice system and
through communication of their policies and programs to offenders, victims and
the general public;
(d) that parole boards
make the least restrictive determination consistent with the protection of
society;
(e) that parole boards
adopt and be guided by appropriate policies and that their members be provided
with the training necessary to implement those policies; and
(f) that offenders be provided
with relevant information, reasons for decisions and access to the review of
decisions in order to ensure a fair and understandable conditional release
process.
134.1 (1)
Subject to subsection (4), every offender who is required to be supervised by a
long-term supervision order is subject to the conditions prescribed by
subsection 161(1) of the Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations,
with such modifications as the circumstances require.
(2) The
Board may establish conditions for the long-term supervision of the offender
that it considers reasonable and necessary in order to protect society and to
facilitate the successful reintegration into society of the offender.
(3) A
condition imposed under subsection (2) is valid for the period that the Board
specifies.
(4) The
Board may, in accordance with the regulations, at any time during the long-term
supervision of an offender,
(a) in respect of
conditions referred to in subsection (1), relieve the offender from compliance
with any such condition or vary the application to the offender of any such
condition; or
(b) in respect of
conditions imposed under subsection (2), remove or vary any such condition.
134.2
(1) An offender who is supervised pursuant to a
long-term supervision order shall comply with any instructions given by a
member of the Board or a person designated, by name or by position, by the
Chairperson of the Board or by the Commissioner, or given by the offender’s
parole supervisor, respecting any conditions of long-term supervision in order
to prevent a breach of any condition or to protect society.
(2) In
this section, “parole supervisor” means
(a) a staff member as
defined in subsection 2(1); or
(b) a person entrusted by
the Service with the guidance and supervision of an offender who is required to
be supervised by a long-term supervision order.
Appeal 33650 allowed, Rothstein J. dissenting. Appeal
34245 dismissed.
Solicitor for the appellant
Manasie Ipeelee: Fergus J. (Chip) O’Connor, Kingston.
Solicitor for the respondent Her
Majesty The Queen: Attorney General of Ontario, Toronto.
Solicitor for the intervener the
Director of Public Prosecutions: Public Prosecution Service of
Canada, Iqaluit.
Solicitor for the intervener the
Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.: Aboriginal Legal Services
of Toronto Inc., Toronto.
Solicitor for the appellant Her
Majesty The Queen: Attorney General of British Columbia, Vancouver.
Solicitors for the respondent
Frank Ralph Ladue: Myers, McMurdo & Karp, Vancouver.
Solicitors for the intervener the
British Columbia Civil Liberties Association: University of Toronto,
Toronto; Sack Goldblatt Mitchell, Toronto.
Solicitors
for the intervener the Canadian Civil Liberties Association: Ruby
Shiller Chan, Toronto.