R. v. Horseman, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 901
Bert Horseman Appellant
v.
Her Majesty The Queen Respondent
and
The Attorney General of Manitoba and
the Attorney General
for Saskatchewan Interveners
indexed as: r. v.
horseman
File
No.: 20582.
1989:
November 27; 1990: May 3.
Present: Dickson C.J. and Lamer, Wilson, La Forest, L'Heureux‑Dubé,
Gonthier and Cory JJ.
on
appeal from the court of appeal for alberta
Indians
‑‑ Hunting rights ‑‑ Treaty Indian killing bear in self‑defence
and later selling hide ‑‑ Alberta Wildlife Act prohibiting
trafficking in wildlife without a licence ‑‑ Whether prohibition
applies to Treaty 8 Indians ‑‑ Whether Treaty 8 hunting rights
limited by 1930 Natural Resources Transfer Agreement ‑‑ Wildlife
Act, R.S.A. 1980, c. W‑9, ss. 18, 42 ‑‑ Treaty No. 8 ‑‑ Natural
Resources Transfer Agreement, 1930, para. 12.
Appellant,
a Treaty 8 Indian, killed a grizzly bear in self‑defence while hunting
moose for food. He did not have at the time a licence under the Alberta Wildlife
Act to hunt grizzly bears or sell their hides. A year later, in need of
money to support his family, he purchased a grizzly bear hunting licence and
sold the grizzly hide. This was an isolated act and not part of any planned
commercial activity. Appellant was charged with unlawfully trafficking in
wildlife, contrary to s. 42 of the Wildlife Act. At trial, he
argued that the Act did not apply to him and that he was within his Treaty 8
rights when he sold the bear hide. This treaty secured the Indians' right
"to pursue their usual vocations of hunting, trapping and fishing . . .
subject to such regulations as [might] from time to time be made by the
Government of the country". The trial judge found that the appellant's
Treaty 8 hunting rights included the right to barter and acquitted him. The
summary conviction appeal court set aside the acquittal and convicted the
appellant. The court held that the Alberta Natural Resources Transfer
Agreement of 1930 had limited the Treaty 8 hunting rights to a right to hunt
only for food. The Court of Appeal upheld the decision.
Held
(Dickson C.J. and Wilson and L'Heureux‑Dubé JJ. dissenting): The appeal
should be dismissed.
Per Lamer,
La Forest, Gonthier and Cory JJ.: Section 42 of the Alberta Wildlife
Act is a provincial law of general application which is applicable to
Indians pursuant to s. 88 of the Indian Act so long as it does
not conflict with a treaty right. The hunting rights reserved to the Indians
in 1899 by Treaty No. 8 included hunting for commercial purposes, but these
rights were subject to governmental regulation and have been limited to the
right to hunt for food only ‑‑ that is to say, for sustenance for
the individual Indian or the Indian's family ‑‑ by para. 12 of the
Transfer Agreement. In exchange for the reduction in the right to hunt for
purposes of commerce, the Crown widened the hunting territory and the means by
which the Indians could hunt for food. The federal government's power to make
such a modification unilaterally is unquestioned. Here, the appellant's sale
of the bear hide was part of a "multi‑stage process" which
might include purchasing food for nourishment. The sale of the bear hide
constituted a hunting activity that had ceased to be that of hunting "for
food" but rather was an act of commerce. As a result it was no longer a
right protected by Treaty No. 8, as limited by the Transfer Agreement of 1930.
The application of s. 42 of the Wildlife Act to the appellant
was therefore not precluded by s. 88 of the Indian Act . The
fact that a grizzly bear was killed by the appellant in self‑defence or
the fact that he obtained a grizzly bear hunting permit after he was in the
possession of a bear hide is irrelevant to a consideration of whether there has
been a breach of s. 42. The grizzly bear is in a precarious position, and
trafficking in bear hides, other than pursuant to the provisions of the Wildlife
Act, threatens its very existence. Section 42 is valid legislation
enacted by the government with jurisdiction in the field. It reflects a bona fide concern
for the preservation of a species.
Per Dickson
C.J. and Wilson and L'Heureux‑Dubé JJ. (dissenting): Indian treaties
should be given a fair, large and liberal construction in favour of the
Indians. They are sui generis, being the product
of negotiation between very different cultures. Courts must therefore look at
the broader historical context to ensure that they reach a proper understanding
of the meaning that particular treaties held for their signatories at the
time. In 1899, the Indians were concerned that the most important aspect of
their way of life, their ability to hunt and fish, not be interfered with. The
language of Treaty No. 8 embodied a solemn engagement to Indians that their
means of livelihood would be respected, and this promise was the sine qua
non for obtaining their agreement to enter into the treaty. In
guaranteeing the Indians the right to pursue their usual vocations of hunting,
trapping and fishing "subject to such regulations as may from time to time
be made by the Government of the country", the Canadian government
committed itself to regulate hunting in a manner that would respect the
Indians' lifestyle and the way in which they had traditionally pursued their
livelihood.
Paragraph
12 of the Transfer Agreement was intended to respect the guarantees enshrined
in Treaty No. 8, and the modifications to the areas within which Treaty 8
Indians would thereafter be able to engage in their traditional way of life
should not be viewed as an attempt to abrogate or limit the Indians' rights to
hunt and fish. Given the government's solemn commitment to Treaty 8 Indians,
the term hunting "for food" in para. 12 should be construed as
encompassing hunting for support and subsistence, which includes hunting in
order to exchange the product of the hunt for other items, as opposed to purely
commercial or sport hunting. Paragraph 12 must also be construed as conferring
on the province of Alberta the power to regulate sport hunting and hunting for
purely commercial purposes rather than as enabling it to place serious and
invidious restrictions on traditional Indian hunting practices.
The
killing of the bear in this case was not an act of "hunting"; it was
an act of self-defence. Moreover, the sale of the hide was an isolated
transaction for the purpose of support and subsistence. The appellant's
conduct, therefore, is not caught by s. 42 of the Alberta Wildlife
Act, which is applicable to Treaty 8 Indians only to the extent that they
are engaged in commercial or sport hunting.
Cases
Cited
By Cory
J.
Applied: Frank v.
The Queen, [1978] 1 S.C.R. 95; R. v. Sutherland, [1980]
2 S.C.R. 451; Moosehunter v. The Queen, [1981] 1 S.C.R.
282; referred to: Simon v. The Queen, [1985] 2 S.C.R.
387; Calder v. Attorney‑General of British Columbia, [1973]
S.C.R. 313; Nowegijick v. The Queen, [1983] 1 S.C.R.
29; Cardinal v. Attorney General of Alberta, [1974] S.C.R.
695; R. v. Strongquill (1953), 8 W.W.R. (N.S.) 247; Myran v. The Queen, [1976]
2 S.C.R. 137.
By
Wilson J. (dissenting)
Nowegijick
v. The Queen, [1983] 1 S.C.R. 29; Simon v. The Queen, [1985]
2 S.C.R. 387; R. v. White and Bob (1964), 50 D.L.R.
(2d) 613, aff'd [1965] S.C.R. vi; R. v. Smith, [1935] 3 D.L.R.
703; R. v. Strongquill (1953), 8 W.W.R. (N.S.) 247; Frank v. The Queen, [1978]
1 S.C.R. 95; Prince and Myron v. The Queen, [1964]
S.C.R. 81; R. v. Wesley, [1932] 2 W.W.R.
337; Sikyea v. The Queen, [1964] S.C.R. 642; R. v.
George, [1966] S.C.R. 267; Moosehunter v. The
Queen, [1981] 1 S.C.R. 282; R. v. Sutherland, [1980]
2 S.C.R. 451.
Statutes
and Regulations Cited
An Act further to amend "The Indian Act "
chapter forty‑three of the Revised Statutes, S.C. 1890, c. 29,
s. 10.
Constitution Act, 1867 .
Constitution Act, 1930, 20 & 21 Geo.
5, c. 26 (U.K.) [reprinted in R.S.C. 1970, App. II, No. 25], s. 1.
Indian Act , R.S.C. 1927, c. 98, s. 69 .
Indian Act, R.S.C. 1970, c. I‑6, s. 88 .
Natural Resources Transfer Agreement [confirmed by the
Constitution Act, 1930], para. 12.
Treaty No. 8 (1899).
Unorganized Territories' Game Preservation Act, 1894, S.C.
1894, c. 31, ss. 2, 4 to 8, 26.
Wildlife
Act, R.S.A. 1980, c. W‑9, ss. 1(s), 18,
42.
Authors
Cited
Daniel, Richard. "The Spirit and Terms of Treaty
Eight." In The Spirit of the Alberta Indian Treaties.
Edited by Richard Price. Montréal: Institute for Research on Public Policy,
1979.
Fumoleau, René. As Long as this Land
Shall Last: A History of Treaty 8 and Treaty 11, 1870‑1939.
Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973.
Hickey, Lynn, Richard L. Lightning and Gordon Lee,
"T.A.R.R. Interview with Elders Program". In The Spirit
of the Alberta Indian Treaties. Edited by Richard Price.
Montréal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1979.
La Forest, G. V. Natural Resources
and Public Property under the Canadian Constitution. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1969.
Laird, David, J. Ross and J. McKenna. "Report of
Commissioners for Treaty No. 8." In Treaty No. 8 Made
June 21, 1899 and Adhesions, Reports, etc. Ottawa:
Reprinted by Queen's Printer, 1966.
O'Chiese, Peter, et al. "Interviews with
Elders." In The Spirit of the Alberta Indian Treaties.
Edited by Richard Price. Montréal: Institute for Research on Public Policy,
1979.
Ray,
Arthur J. Commentary on Economic History of Treaty 8 Area
(Department of History, University of British Columbia, 1985) [unpublished].
APPEAL
from a judgment of the Alberta Court of Appeal (1987), 53 Alta. L.R. (2d) 146,
78 A.R. 351, [1987] 5 W.W.R. 454, [1987] 4 C.N.L.R. 99, dismissing the
appellant's appeal from a judgment of Stratton J. (1986), 69 A.R. 13, [1986] 2
C.N.L.R. 94, allowing the Crown's appeal from the appellant's acquittal by Wong
Prov. Ct. J., [1986] 1 C.N.L.R. 79, on a charge of trafficking in wildlife.
Appeal dismissed, Dickson C.J. and Wilson and L'Heureux‑Dubé JJ.
dissenting.
Kenneth
E. Staroszik, for the appellant.
Richard
F. Taylor and Margaret Unsworth, for the
respondent.
Donna
J. Miller and Gordon E. Hannon, for the
intervener the Attorney General of Manitoba.
Graeme
G. Mitchell, for the intervener the Attorney General for
Saskatchewan.
//Wilson J.//
The
reasons of Dickson C.J. and Wilson and L'Heureux-Dubé JJ. were delivered by
Wilson
J. (dissenting) -- I have had the advantage of reading the reasons of my
colleague Justice Cory and must respectfully disagree with his conclusion that
the appellant's conduct is caught by s. 42 of the Wildlife Act,
R.S.A. 1980, c. W-9.
While
my colleague has reviewed the facts of this appeal and the decisions of the
lower courts, I believe it is important to emphasize that all parties were
agreed and the trial judge so found that Mr. Horseman was legitimately engaged
in hunting moose for his own use in the Treaty 8 area when he killed the bear
in self-defence. Mr. Horseman did not kill the bear with a view to selling its
hide although he was eventually driven to do so a year later in order to feed
himself and his family. The sale of the bear hide was an isolated act and not
part of any planned commercial activity. None of this is in dispute.
The
narrow question before us in this appeal then is whether the isolated sale for
food of a bear hide obtained by the appellant fortuitously as the result of an
act of self-defence is something that the government of Alberta is entitled to
penalize under the Wildlife Act. In my view, the
answer to this question requires a careful examination of the terms of Treaty
No. 8 and the wording of para. 12 of the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement,
1930 (Alberta) (the "Transfer Agreement").
Interpreting
Indian Treaties
This
Court has already established a number of important guidelines for the
interpretation of Indian treaties. In Nowegijick v. The
Queen, [1983] 1 S.C.R. 29, Dickson J. (as he then was) stated
at p. 36:
. . .
treaties and statutes relating to Indians should be liberally construed and
doubtful expressions resolved in favour of the Indians . . . . In Jones v.
Meehan, 175 U.S. 1 (1899), it was held that Indian treaties
"must . . . be construed, not according to the technical meaning of
[their] words . . . but in the sense in which they would naturally be
understood by the Indians". [Emphasis added.]
In Simon v.
The Queen, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 387, at p. 402, Dickson C.J. pointed
to his observation in Nowegijick and reiterated that "Indian
treaties should be given a fair, large and liberal construction in favour of
the Indians".
The
interpretive principles developed in Nowegijick and Simon
recognize that Indian treaties are sui generis (per Dickson C.J.
at p. 404 of Simon, supra).
These treaties were the product of negotiation between very different cultures
and the language used in them probably does not reflect, and should not be
expected to reflect, with total accuracy each party's understanding of their
effect at the time they were entered into. This is why the courts must be
especially sensitive to the broader historical context in which such treaties
were negotiated. They must be prepared to look at that historical context in
order to ensure that they reach a proper understanding of the meaning that particular
treaties held for their signatories at the time.
But
the interpretive principles set out in Nowegijick and Simon were
developed not only to deal with the unique nature of Indian treaties but also
to address a problem identified by Norris J.A. in R. v. White and Bob (1964),
50 D.L.R. (2d) 613 (B.C.C.A.), at p. 649 (aff'd [1965] S.C.R. vi):
In view
of the argument before us, it is necessary to point out that on numerous
occasions in modern days, rights under what were entered into with Indians as
solemn engagements, although completed with what would now be considered
informality, have been whittled away on the excuse that they do not comply with
present day formal requirements and with rules of interpretation applicable to
transactions between people who must be taken in the light of advanced
civilization to be of equal status.
In other
words, to put it simply, Indian treaties must be given the effect the
signatories obviously intended them to have at the time they were entered into
even if they do not comply with to-day's formal requirements. Nor should they
be undermined by the application of the interpretive rules we apply to-day to
contracts entered into by parties of equal bargaining power.
In
my view, the interpretive principles set out in Nowegijick and Simon are
fundamentally sound and have considerable significance for this appeal. Any
assessment of the impact of the Transfer Agreement on the rights that Treaty 8
Indians were assured in the treaty would continue to be protected cannot ignore
the fact that Treaty No. 8 embodied a "solemn engagement".
Accordingly, when interpreting the Transfer Agreement between the federal and
provincial governments we must keep in mind the solemn commitment made to the
Treaty 8 Indians by the federal government in 1899. We should not readily
assume that the federal government intended to renege on the commitment it had
made. Rather we should give it an interpretation, if this is possible on the
language, which will implement and be fully consistent with that commitment.
It is appropriate, therefore, to begin the analysis of the issues in this
appeal with a review of the nature of the "solemn engagement"
embodied in Treaty No. 8.
Treaty
No. 8 and Indian Hunting Rights
In
his Commentary on Economic History of Treaty 8 Area
(unpublished; June 13, 1985, at p. 8), Professor Ray warns of the dangers
involved in trying to understand the hunting practices of Indians in the Treaty
8 area by drawing neat distinctions between hunting for domestic use and hunting
for commercial purposes. He notes that Indians in the Treaty 8 area had
developed a way of life that centred on wildlife resources. They hunted
beaver, moose, caribou and wood buffalo with a view to consuming some portions
of their catch and exchanging other portions. "For these reasons,
differentiating domestic hunting from commercial hunting is unrealistic and
does not enable one to fully appreciate the complex nature of the native
economy following contact" (p. 9).
Others
have confirmed Professor Ray's understanding of the world in which Treaty 8
Indians lived prior to 1899: see, for example, Richard Daniel's observations in
"The Spirit and Terms of Treaty Eight", in The Spirit of the
Alberta Indian Treaties (Richard Price, ed., Institute for Research on Public
Policy, 1979), at pp. 47 to 100. In my view, it is important to bear in mind
this picture of the Treaty 8 Indians' way of life prior to 1899 when
considering the context in which they consented to Treaty No. 8.
In
one of the most detailed studies of the history of the negotiations leading up
to Treaty No. 8, As Long as this Land Shall Last: A History of Treaty 8
and Treaty 11, 1870-1939 (1973), R. Fumoleau explains why the Canadian
government sought an agreement with the Treaty 8 Indians. The Klondyke gold
rush gave rise to serious problems throughout 1897 and 1898, with miners
travelling through territory occupied by the Indians and paying little respect
to their traditional way of life. Inevitably conflict broke out as the Indians
retaliated. The government of Canada quickly realized that it was necessary to
reach an understanding with the Indians about future relations. Commissioners
Laird, Ross and McKenna were therefore sent out to negotiate a treaty with the
Indians.
Mr.
Daniel's study of these negotiations reveals that the Indians were especially
concerned that the most important aspect of their way of life, their ability to
hunt and fish, not be interfered with. He points out that the Commissioners repeatedly
sought to assure the Indians that they would continue to be free to pursue
these activities as they always had. In the course of treaty negotiations at
Lesser Slave Lake in June 1899 (negotiations that set the pattern for
subsequent agreements with other Indian groups near Fort St. John, Fort
Chipewyan, Fond du Lac, Fort Resolution and Wabasca), Commissioner Laird told
the assembled Indians that "Indians have been told that if they make a
treaty they will not be allowed to hunt and fish as they do now. This is not
true. Indians who take treaty will be just as free to hunt and fish all over as
they now are." (See: Daniel, op. cit., at p. 76). Similarly, Mr.
Fumoleau has observed that "[o]nly when the Treaty Commissioners promised
them that they would be free to hunt and trap and fish for a living, and that
their rights would be protected against the abuses of white hunters and
trappers, did the Indians at each trading post of the Treaty 8 area consent to
sign the treaty" (Fumoleau, op. cit., at p. 65).
The
official report of the Commissioners who negotiated Treaty No. 8 (presented to
the Minister of the Interior on September 22, 1899) confirms both that hunting
and fishing rights were of particular concern to the Indians and that the
Commissioners were at pains to make clear that the government of Canada did not
wish to interfere with their traditional way of life. The Commissioners
reported (at p. 6):
Our
chief difficulty was the apprehension that the hunting and fishing privileges
were to be curtailed. The provision in the treaty under which ammunition and
twine is to be furnished went far in the direction of quieting the fears of the
Indians, for they admitted that it would be unreasonable to furnish the means
of hunting and fishing if laws were to be enacted which would make hunting and
fishing so restricted as to render it impossible to make a livelihood by such
pursuits. But over and above the provision, we had to solemnly assure them
that only such laws as to hunting as were in the interest of the Indians and
were found necessary in order to protect the fish and fur-bearing animals would
be made, and that they would be free to hunt and fish after the treaty as they
would be if they never entered into it. [Emphasis added.]
Interviews
with Indian elders of the Lesser Slave Lake area confirm the archival evidence
with respect to the critical role played by the promise with respect to hunting
and fishing rights. James Cornwall, who was present at the treaty negotiations
at Lesser Slave Lake, signed an affidavit in 1937 (see Fumoleau, op. cit., at
pp. 74-75) in which he stated:
Much
stress was laid on one point by the Indians, as follows: They would not sign
under any circumstances, unless their right to hunt, trap and fish was
guaranteed and it must be understood that these rights they would never
surrender.
More
recent interviews with William Okeymaw of the Sucker Creek Reserve and Felix
Gobot of Fort Chipewyan confirm that the treaty was to "be in effect as
long as the sun shines and the rivers flow" (see: p. 151 of Peter O'Chiese
et al., "Interviews with Elders", in The Spirit of the
Alberta Indian Treaties, op. cit., at pp. 113-60). Lynn Hickey, Richard L.
Lightning and Gordon Lee, who have conducted numerous interviews with elders in
the Treaty 8 area, summarize the result of their findings as follows, in
"T.A.R.R. Interview with Elders Program", in The Spirit
of the Alberta Indian Treaties, pp. 103-12 (at p. 106):
It
is agreed that the treaty involved surrendering land, though a few people
express this as an agreement to share land or surrender the surface only. Land
is the only thing that was given up, however. The main discussion of the
treaty by most elders concerns hunting, fishing, and trapping and how rights to
pursue their traditional livelihood were not given up and were even strongly
guaranteed in the treaty to last forever. Giving up the land would not
interfere with the Indian's pursuit of his livelihood, and the Indians only
signed the treaty on this condition. [Emphasis added.]
While
one must obviously be sensitive to the fact that contemporary oral evidence of
the meaning of provisions of Treaty No. 8 will not necessarily capture the
understanding of the treaty that the Indians had in 1899, in my view such
evidence is relevant where it confirms the archival evidence with respect to
the meaning of the treaty. Indeed, it seems to me to be of particular
significance that the Treaty 8 Commissioners, historians who have studied
Treaty No. 8, and Treaty 8 Indians of several different generations unanimously
affirm that the government of Canada's promise that hunting, fishing and
trapping rights would be protected forever was the sine qua non for
obtaining the Indians' agreement to enter into Treaty No. 8. Hunting, fishing
and trapping lay at the centre of their way of life. Provided that the source
of their livelihood was protected, the Indians were prepared to allow the
government of Canada to "have title" to the land in the Treaty 8
area.
In
my view, it is in light of this historical context, one which did not, from the
Indians' perspective, allow for simple distinctions between hunting for
domestic use and hunting for commercial purposes and which involved a solemn
engagement that Indians would continue to have unlimited access to wildlife,
that one must understand the provision in Treaty No. 8 that reads:
And
Her Majesty the Queen HEREBY AGREES with the said Indians that they shall have the
right to pursue their usual vocations of hunting, trapping and fishing
throughout the tract surrendered as heretofore described, subject to such
regulations as may from time to time be made by the Government of the country,
acting under the authority of Her Majesty, and saving and excepting such tracts
as may be required or taken up from time to time for settlement, mining,
lumbering, trading or other purposes. [Emphasis added.]
If
we are to remain faithful to the interpretive principles set out in Nowegijick and Simon, then
we must not only be careful to understand that the language of Treaty No. 8
embodied a solemn engagement to Indians in the Treaty 8 area that their
livelihood would be respected, but we must also recognize that in referring to
potential "regulations" with respect to hunting, trapping and fishing
the government of Canada was promising that such regulations would always be
designed so as to ensure that the Indians' way of life would continue to be
respected. To read Treaty No. 8 as an agreement that was to enable the
government of Canada to regulate hunting, fishing and trapping in any manner
that it saw fit, regardless of the impact of the regulations on the "usual
vocations" of Treaty 8 Indians, is not credible in light of oral and
archival evidence that includes a Commissioners' report stating that a solemn
assurance was made that only such laws "as were in the interest of the
Indians and were found necessary in order to protect the fish and fur-bearing
animals would be made".
In
other words, while the treaty was obviously intended to enable the government
of Canada to pass regulations with respect to hunting, fishing and trapping, it
becomes clear when one places the treaty in its historical context that the
government of Canada committed itself to regulate hunting in a manner that
would respect the lifestyle of the Indians and the way in which they had
traditionally pursued their livelihood. Because any regulations concerning
hunting and fishing were to be "in the interest" of the Indians, and
because the Indians were promised that they would be as free to hunt, fish and
trap "after the treaty as they would be if they never entered into
it", such regulations had to be designed to preserve an environment in
which the Indians could continue to hunt, fish and trap as they had always
done.
Natural
Resources Transfer Agreement
When
the province of Alberta was created in 1905 its government did not receive the
power to control natural resources in the province. Control over natural
resources in Alberta remained in the hands of the federal government until 1930
when Canada and Alberta entered into the Transfer Agreement which placed
Alberta on the same footing as the other provinces. Mindful of the government
of Canada's responsibilities under a series of numbered treaties with Indians,
the parties to the Transfer Agreement inserted a paragraph dealing with the
Indians' treaty rights to hunt, fish and trap. Paragraph 12 of the Transfer
Agreement stated:
12In order
to secure to the Indians of the Province the continuance of the supply of game
and fish for their support and subsistence, Canada agrees
that the laws respecting game in force in the Province from time to time shall
apply to the Indians within the boundaries thereof, provided, however, that the
said Indians shall have the right, which the Province hereby assures to them,
of hunting, trapping, and fishing game and fish for food at all seasons of
the year on all unoccupied Crown lands and on any other lands to which the said
Indians may have a right of access. [Emphasis added.]
In Natural
Resources and Public Property under the Canadian Constitution (1969),
at p. 180, G. V. La Forest (now a member of this Court) makes the following
observation about para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement:
The
effect of the provision is to give the Indians a constitutional right as
against the provinces to hunt and fish on unoccupied Crown lands; it cannot be
unilaterally altered by the provinces. It appears to have been inserted to
protect similar rights accorded by the various treaties under which the Indians
surrendered the territory now comprising the Prairie provinces, and it has been
held to be quite proper to look at these treaties for assistance in determining
the meaning of the provision. [Emphasis added.]
The
proposition that para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement was formulated with a view
to protecting Treaty 8 rights and that it is therefore quite proper to look at
Treaty No. 8 in order to understand the meaning of para. 12 of the Transfer
Agreement has been emphasized on a number of occasions. For example, in R. v.
Smith, [1935] 3 D.L.R. 703, at pp. 705-6, Turgeon J.A.
(Mackenzie J.A. concurring) stated:
As I
have said, it is proper to consult this treaty in order to glean from it
whatever may throw some light on the meaning to be given to the words in
question. I would even say that we should endeavour, within the bounds of
propriety, to give such meaning to these words as would establish the intention
of the Crown and the Legislature to maintain the rights accorded to the Indians
by the treaty. [Emphasis added.]
Similarly,
in R. v. Strongquill (1953), 8 W.W.R. (N.S.) 247 (Sask. C.A.) (a case relied
upon by this Court in Frank v. The Queen, [1978] 1 S.C.R.
95, at p. 100) McNiven J.A. stated at p. 269:
I
have already said that whatever rights with respect to hunting were granted to
the Indians by the said treaty were merged in par. 12 of the Natural Resources
Agreement, supra. I have only referred to the
treaty for such assistance as its terms may give in interpreting the language
used in par. 12 for we must attribute to parliament an intention to fulfil its
terms. It is also a cardinal rule of interpretation that words used in a
statute are to be given their common ordinary and generally accepted meaning. Statutes
are to be given a liberal construction so that effect may be given to each Act
and every part thereof according to its spirit, true intent and meaning".
[Emphasis added.]
The
view expressed in Smith and in Strongquill to the
effect that one should assume that Parliament intended to live up to its
obligations under treaties with the Indians was subsequently approved by this
Court in Prince and Myron v. The Queen, [1964]
S.C.R. 81. Hall J. (for the Court) adopted the following passage from R. v.
Wesley, [1932] 2 W.W.R. 337, in which McGillivray J.A. had
commented at p. 344:
I think
the intention was that in hunting for sport or for commerce the Indian like the
white man should be subject to laws which make for the preservation of game
but, in hunting wild animals for the food necessary to his life, the Indian
should be placed in a very different position from the white man who, generally
speaking, does not hunt for food and was by the proviso to sec. 12 reassured
of the continued enjoyment of a right which he has enjoyed from time immemorial.
[Emphasis added.]
More
recently, in Frank v. The Queen, supra, this
Court reiterated that para. 12 was in part designed to ensure that the rights
embodied in Treaty No. 8 were respected. Dickson J. stated at p. 100:
It
would appear that the overall purpose of para. 12 of the Natural Resources
Transfer Agreement was to effect a merger and consolidation of the treaty
rights theretofore enjoyed by the Indians but of equal importance was the
desire to re-state and reassure to the treaty Indians the continued enjoyment
of the right to hunt and fish for food. See R. v. Wesley; R. v.
Smith; R. v. Strongquill.
[Emphasis added.]
In
my view, the decisions in Smith and Wesley, cases
that were decided shortly after the Transfer Agreement came into force, as well
as later decisions in cases like Strongquill and Frank, make
clear that, to the extent that it is possible, one should view para. 12 of the
Transfer Agreement as an attempt to respect the solemn engagement embodied in
Treaty No. 8, not as an attempt to abrogate or derogate from that treaty.
While it is clear that para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement adjusted the areas
within which Treaty 8 Indians would thereafter be able to engage in their
traditional way of life, given the oral and archival evidence with respect to
the negotiation of Treaty No. 8 and the pivotal nature of the guarantee
concerning hunting, fishing and trapping, one should be extremely hesitant
about accepting the proposition that para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement was
also designed to place serious and invidious restrictions on the range of
hunting, fishing and trapping related activities that Treaty 8 Indians could
continue to engage in. In so saying I am fully aware that this Court has
stated on previous occasions that it is not in a position to question an
unambiguous decision on the part of the federal government to modify its treaty
obligations: Sikyea v. The Queen, [1964] S.C.R.
642, R. v. George, [1966] S.C.R. 267, and Moosehunter v. The
Queen, [1981] 1 S.C.R. 282, at p. 293. We must, however, be
satisfied that the federal government did make an "unambiguous
decision" to renege on its Treaty 8 obligations when it signed the 1930
Transfer Agreement.
The
respondent in this appeal has not pointed to any historical evidence in support
of its claim that para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement was intended to limit the
Indians' traditional right to hunt and fish (which included a right of
exchange) to one confined to hunting and fishing for personal consumption
only. Absent such evidence, and in view of the implications of bad faith on
the part of the federal government which would arise from it, I am not prepared
to accept that this was the legislature's intent. Indeed, it seems to me that
in R. v. Sutherland, [1980] 2 S.C.R. 451, which dealt with an analogous
provision in the Transfer Agreement with Manitoba, Dickson J. was concerned to
make clear that the restrictive approach favoured by the respondent is entirely
inappropriate. He stated at p. 461:
Paragraph
13 of the Memorandum of Agreement, it is true, makes provincial game laws
applicable to the Indians within the boundaries of the Province, but with the
large and important proviso that assures them, inter alia, the
"right" to hunt game at all seasons of the year for food on lands to
which the Indians may have a right of access. This proviso should be given a
broad and liberal construction. History supports such an interpretation as
do the plain words of the proviso. The right assured is, in my view, the right
to hunt game (any and all game), for food, at all seasons of the year (not just
"open seasons") on lands to which they have a right of access (for
hunting, trapping and fishing). [Emphasis added.]
Nevertheless,
the respondent argues that the use of the words "for food" in para.
12 of the Transfer Agreement have this effect. They demonstrate, he submits,
an intention on the part of the legislature to place substantial limits on the
range of hunting related activities that Treaty 8 Indians can pursue free from
provincial regulation. The respondent submits that Treaty 8 Indians can only
derive protection from para. 12 if the purpose for which they are hunting is to
feed themselves or their families and that because Mr. Horseman did not kill
the bear with this purpose in mind his act falls outside the ambit of para. 12.
While
the respondent suggests that this Court's jurisprudence on para. 12 and
analogous provisions in other Transfer Agreements supports its restrictive
reading of the proviso, I am of the view that this Court's previous decisions
with respect to the language of para. 12 (and its equivalent in other Transfer
Agreements) do not require the Court to construe the term "for food"
in such a narrow and restricted manner. Given that Treaty No. 8 embodied a
solemn engagement on the part of the government of Canada to respect a way of
life that was built around hunting, fishing and trapping, given that our courts
have on a number of occasions emphasized that we should seek to give meaning to
the language used in para. 12 by looking to Treaty No. 8, and given that this
Court's decision in Sutherland urged that para. 12 be given a
"broad and liberal" construction, it seems to me that we should be
very reluctant to accept any reading of the term "for food" that
would constitute a profound inroad into the ability of Treaty 8 Indians to
engage in the traditional way of life which they believed had been secured to
them by the treaty.
I
note that in Frank v. The Queen, supra, a case
that involved a treaty Indian who had killed a moose, Dickson J. suggested (supra, at pp.
100-101) that, whereas under Treaty 6 hunting rights had been at large, under
para. 12 they were now limited to hunting "for food" and that, as a
result of para. 12, rights to hunt and fish otherwise than "for food"
were subject to provincial game laws. But Dickson J. was quick to stress that
in the case before him "these differences are unimportant because the
appellant was hunting for food and upon land touched by both Treaty and
Agreement" (p. 100). In other words, while the presence of the term
"for food" clearly meant that after 1930 the province of Alberta had
the power to regulate hunting that was not "for food", Dickson J. saw
no need in that case to explore in detail the nature of the distinction between
hunting "for food" and hunting for other purposes.
In
Moosehunter v. The Queen, supra, a case that involved a treaty Indian
who had killed deer in Manitoba, Dickson J. did have occasion to consider the
nature of the dividing line created by the term "for food" in
somewhat more detail. He observed at p. 285:
The
reason or purpose underlying paragraph 12 was to secure to the Indians a supply
of game and fish for their support and subsistence and clearly to permit
hunting, trapping and fishing for food at all seasons of the year on all
unoccupied Crown lands and lands to which the Indians had access. The Agreement
had the effect of merging and consolidating the treaty rights of the Indians in
the area and restricting the power of the provinces to regulate the Indians'
right to hunt for food. The right of Indians to hunt for sport or
commercially could be regulated by provincial game laws but the right to hunt
for food could not. [Emphasis added.]
In
my view, the distinction that Dickson J. drew in Moosehunter between
hunting for "support and subsistence", and hunting for "sport or
commercially" is far more consistent with the spirit of Treaty No. 8 and
with the proposition that one should not assume that the legislature intended
to abrogate or derogate from Treaty 8 hunting rights than the respondent's
submission that in using the term "for food" the legislature intended
to restrict Treaty 8 hunting rights to hunting for direct consumption of the
product of the hunt. And if we are to give para. 12 the "broad and
liberal" construction called for in Sutherland, a
construction that reflects the principle enunciated in Nowegijick and Simon that
statutes relating to Indians must be given a "fair, large and liberal
construction", then we should be prepared to accept that the range of
activity encompassed by the term "for food" extends to hunting for
"support and subsistence", i.e. hunting not only for direct
consumption but also hunting in order to exchange the product of the hunt for
other items as was their wont, as opposed to purely commercial or sport
hunting.
And,
indeed, when one thinks of it this makes excellent sense. The whole emphasis
of Treaty No. 8 was on the preservation of the Indian's traditional way of
life. But this surely did not mean that the Indians were to be forever
consigned to a diet of meat and fish and were to have no opportunity to share
in the advances of modern civilization over the next one hundred years. Of
course, the Indians' hunting and fishing rights were to be preserved and
protected; the Indians could not have survived otherwise. But this cannot mean
that in 1990 they are to be precluded from selling their meat and fish to buy
other items necessary for their sustenance and the sustenance of their
children. Provided the purpose of their hunting is either to consume the meat
or to exchange or sell it in order to support themselves and their families, I
fail to see why this is precluded by any common sense interpretation of the
words "for food". It will, of course, be a question of fact in each
case whether a sale is made for purposes of sustenance or for purely commercial
profit.
If
we are to be sensitive to Professor Ray's observation that the distinction
between hunting for commerce and domestic hunting is not one that can readily
be imposed on the Indian hunting practices protected by Treaty No. 8, and if
we are to approach para. 12 as a proviso that was intended to respect the
guarantees enshrined in Treaty No. 8 (which I think we must do if at all
possible), then para. 12 must be construed as a provision conferring on the
province of Alberta the power to regulate sport hunting and hunting for purely
commercial purposes rather than as a provision that was to enable the province
to place serious and invidious restrictions on the Indians' right to hunt for
"support and subsistence" in the broader sense.
When
the phrase "for food" is read in this way para. 12 of the Transfer
Agreement remains faithful to the Treaty 8 Commissioners' solemn engagement
that the government of Canada would only enact "such laws as to hunting as
were in the interest of the Indians and were found necessary in order to
protect the fish and fur-bearing animals" and that Treaty 8 Indians
"would be free to hunt and fish after the treaty as they would be if they
never entered into it". While Treaty 8 Indians and the government of
Canada may not have foreseen in 1899 that limits would one day have to be
placed on the extent to which people could engage in commercial and sport
hunting, such restrictions are obviously necessary to-day in order to preserve
particular species. Provided such restrictions on commercial and sport hunting
are imposed in order to preserve species that might otherwise be endangered,
the government would appear to be acting in the interests of the Indians in
maintaining the well-being of the environment that is the pre-condition to
their ability to pursue their traditional way of life. Such restrictions are
entirely consistent with the spirit and language of Treaty No. 8. What is not
consistent with the spirit and language of Treaty No. 8 is to restrict the
ability of the Indians to hunt for "support and subsistence" unless
this restriction also is required for the preservation of species threatened
with extinction.
In
summary, it seems to me that the term hunting "for food" was designed
to draw a distinction between traditional hunting practices that the Indians
were to be free to pursue and sport hunting or hunting for purely commercial
purposes. And if we are to avoid paying mere lip-service to the interpretive
principles set out in Nowegijick and Simon,
principles that require us to resolve ambiguities with respect to the language
of statutes like the Transfer Agreement in favour of the Indians, then any
uncertainties regarding the nature of the boundary between purely commercial or
sport hunting and the Indians' traditional hunting practices must be resolved
by favouring an interpretation of para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement that gives
the province of Alberta the power to regulate commercial and sport hunting but
that leaves traditional Indian hunting practices untouched.
My
colleague, Cory J., takes a different view. He concludes that para. 12 of the
Transfer Agreement was designed to "cut down the scope of Indian hunting
rights" and that there was a "quid pro quo"
granted to the Indians by the Crown for the reduction in hunting rights.
Describing this "quid pro quo", Cory J.
suggests that the "area of hunting and the way in which the hunting could
be conducted was extended and removed from the jurisdiction of provincial
governments". But in my view the historical evidence suggests both that
the Indians had been guaranteed the right to hunt for their support and
subsistence in the manner that they wished some four decades before the
Transfer Agreement was ratified and that it is doubtful whether the provinces
were ever in a legitimate constitutional position to regulate that form of
hunting prior to the Transfer Agreement. As a result, I have difficulty in
accepting my colleague's conclusion that the Transfer Agreement involved some
sort of expansion of these hunting rights. Moreover, it seems to me somewhat
disingenuous to attempt to justify any unilateral "cutting down of hunting
rights" by the use of terminology connoting a reciprocal process in which
contracting parties engage in a mutual exchange of promises. Be that as it
may, I see no evidence at all that the federal government intended to renege in
any way from the solemn engagement embodied in Treaty No. 8.
The Case
at Bar
The
learned trial judge found as a fact that the appellant killed the bear in
self-defence and not with a view to selling, exchanging or bartering its hide.
It is difficult therefore to describe Mr. Horseman's act as hunting for
commerce or sport. Indeed, it is difficult to describe Mr. Horseman's act as
"hunting" at all. It would be passing strange if the government of
Canada in enacting the Transfer Agreement of 1930 intended to put Treaty 8
Indians in the absurd position of being penalized for defending themselves
against attack by wild animals. Nor, with respect, can I accept my colleague's
suggestion that Parliament believed that if Treaty 8 Indians were exempted from
provincial regulations if they killed an animal in self-defence, they would try
to circumvent such regulations by making duplicitous claims to this effect.
Section
42 of the Wildlife Act states that
"no person shall traffic in any wildlife except as is expressly permitted
by this Act or by the regulations". I have already suggested that while
the federal government may have the power to regulate trafficking in wildlife
provided that such regulation is in the interest of the Indians, the provincial
government has no power to regulate Indian practices that fall within the
Indians' traditional way of life and that are linked to their support and
subsistence. In so far as Treaty 8 Indians are concerned, the government of
Alberta is limited to regulation of purely commercial and sport hunting.
The
trial judge stated:
Keeping
in mind the necessity of making factual findings in every case that comes
before the court, I find that Mr. Horseman sold the grizzly bear hide in a
manner, and for a purpose consistent with the tradition of his ancestors, that
is "for the purposes of subsistence and exchange". I find that Mr.
Horseman did not engage in a commercial transaction, that is one having profit
as a primary aim.
She
concluded therefore that Mr. Horseman's act fell outside the range of
activities which the province of Alberta could regulate by means of the Wildlife
Act. This result accords with common sense. While the province may be
able to limit the Indians' right to traffic in hides where such trafficking
forms part of a commercial venture or is the result of sport hunting, it does
not, in my view, have the power to regulate an isolated sale that is the result
of an act of self-defence. All the more so when the hide was sold by Mr.
Horseman, as the trial judge found on the facts, not for commercial profit but
to buy food for his family.
I
would allow the appeal, set aside the order of the Court of Appeal, and restore
the acquittal. I would answer the constitutional question as follows:
Question:
Between
February 1, 1984 and May 30, 1984, was s. 42 of the Wildlife Act, R.S.A.
1980, c. W-9, constitutionally applicable to Treaty 8 Indians in virtue of the
hunting rights granted to them under the said Treaty? In particular, were the
hunting rights granted by Treaty No. 8 of 1899 extinguished, reduced or
modified by para. 12 of the Alberta Natural Resources Transfer Agreement, as
confirmed by the Constitution Act, 1930?
Answer:
Section 42 of the Wildlife Act was
applicable to Treaty 8 Indians only to the extent that they were engaged in
commercial or sport hunting. The Treaty 8 hunting rights were neither
extinguished nor reduced by para. 12 of the Alberta Natural Resources Transfer
Agreement. The territorial limits within which they could be exercised were,
however, modified by para. 12.
//Cory//
The
judgment of Lamer, La Forest, Gonthier and Cory JJ. was delivered by
Cory
J. -- At issue on this appeal is whether the provisions of s. 42 and s. 1(s) of the Wildlife
Act, R.S.A. 1980, c. W-9, apply to the appellant, whose forebears were
members of one of the Indian Bands party to Treaty No. 8 signed in 1899 which
guaranteed substantive hunting rights to certain Indian people.
Factual
Background
The
facts are not in dispute and were agreed upon at trial. Mr. Bert Horseman is
an Indian within the meaning of the Indian Act, R.S.C. 1970, c.
I-6. He is a descendant of the Indian people who were parties to Treaty No.
8. He is a member of the Horse Lakes Indian Band No. 196 and resides on that
Reserve which is some 40 miles northwest of Grande Prairie, Alberta.
In
the spring of 1983 the appellant went moose hunting in the territory north of
his Reserve in order to feed himself and his family. This he was entitled to
do pursuant to the provisions of Treaty No. 8. He was successful in his hunt.
He shot a moose, cut it and skinned it. The moose was too large for the
appellant to bring back to the Reserve. He therefore hurried home to obtain
the assistance of other Band members to haul it out of the bush. When they
arrived at the carcass the appellant and his friends were unpleasantly
surprised to find that a grizzly bear had appropriated the moose. The arrival
of the appellant was even more unpleasant and upsetting for the bear, which by
this time clearly believed it had acquired a valid possessory title to the moose.
Faced with the conflicting claim, the bear charged the appellant. Bert
Horseman displayed cool courage and skill under attack. He shot and killed the
bear, skinned it and took the hide.
A
scant few years ago the appellant no doubt would have been congratulated for
his display of skill and courage and indeed his survival in dangerous and
desperate circumstances. However, life in our time is not so simple and
trouble of a different sort than charging grizzlies was looming on the horizon
for the appellant. Horseman did not have a licence under the Wildlife
Act to hunt grizzly bears or sell their hides. This omission ordinarily
could be readily excused for neither the presence of the bear nor its attack
could have been foreseen.
One
year later, in the spring of 1984, the appellant found himself in the
unfortunate position of being out of work and in need of money to support his
family. In these straitened circumstances he decided to sell the grizzly
hide. On or about April 19th he applied for and was issued a grizzly bear
licence under s. 18 of the Wildlife Act. This licence
entitled him to hunt and kill one bear and sell the hide to a licensed dealer
as provided by the regulations passed pursuant to that Act. The appellant made
use of this licence to sell the hide of his adversary of the year before to a
licensed dealer for a price of $200. This isolated sale, which was clearly not
part of any organized commercial transaction, took place between April 19th and
May 22nd.
There
can be no doubt of the financial needs of the appellant nor of his good faith.
He certainly made efforts to stay within the spirit of the law. Nevertheless,
an information was laid against him in July of 1984 charging him with
trafficking in wildlife. The charge was set forth in these words:
[The appellant] between the 1st day of February A.D.
1984 and the 30th day of May A.D. 1984 at or near Beaverlodge within the
Province of Alberta did UNLAWFULLY traffic in wildlife, to wit a Grizzly Bear
Hide except as is expressly permitted by the Wildlife Act or by the
regulations.
CONTRARY
to the provisions of Section 42 of the Wildlife Act and amendments thereto.
The sole
defence raised on behalf of Horseman was that the Wildlife Act did not
apply to him and that he was within his Treaty 8 rights when he sold the bear
hide. Nothing is to turn on the killing of the bear in self-defence. Nor is
it argued that Horseman was induced into a mistake of the law by the words of
an official of the Government. Rather, it is the appellant's position that he
can, at any time, on Crown lands or on lands to which Indians have access, kill
a grizzly bear for food. Further, it is said that he can sell the hide of any
grizzly bear he kills in order to buy food.
The
Courts Below
Provincial
Court
The
Provincial Court judge found that the hunting rights described in Treaty No. 8
were not limited to simply taking game for subsistence but included rights of
trading and bartering in game: [1986] C.N.L.R. 79. She concluded that
although s. 42 of the Wildlife Act of Alberta was a
law of general application the Treaty 8 rights included the right to barter.
Thus the appellant had not exceeded his Treaty rights when he sold the bear
hide.
The Court
of Queen's Bench
The
judge of the Court of Queen's Bench set aside the acquittal and convicted the
appellant and imposed the minimum fine provided by the Act of $100: (1986), 69
A.R. 13, [1986] 2 C.N.L.R. 94. The judge was of the view that Treaty 8 rights
had been specifically restricted as a result of the Natural Resources Transfer
Agreement of 1930 which in his view limited the rights of the Indians to
trapping, fishing and hunting only for food. In his opinion if the product of
the hunt was involved in a multi-stage process whereby it was sold to obtain
funds, even though those funds might be used for the purchase of food, then the
activity had proceeded beyond hunting "for food" and had entered the
domain of commerce. Further, he expressed the view that s. 42 of the Wildlife
Act was of general application and that Horseman was bound by it.
The Court
of Appeal
The
Court of Appeal upheld the decision of the Court of Queen's Bench: (1987), 53
Alta. L.R. (2d) 146, 78 A.R. 351, [1987] 5 W.W.R. 454, [1987] 4 C.N.L.R. 99.
It too was of the view that the effect of para. 12 of the Transfer Agreement
was to restrict the Indian rights to hunting, trapping and fishing for food
only. The Court of Appeal was also of the view that s. 42 of the Wildlife
Act was of general application and that Horseman was bound by it.
Applicable
Legislation
Treaty
No. 8, 1899:
And
Her Majesty the Queen HEREBY AGREES with the said Indians that they shall have
right to pursue their usual vocations of hunting, trapping and fishing
throughout the tract surrendered as heretofore described, subject to such
regulations as may from time to time be made by the Government of the country,
acting under the authority of Her Majesty, and saving and excepting such tracts
as may be required or taken up from time to time for settlement, mining,
lumbering, trading or other purposes.
Constitution
Act, 1930:
1. The
agreements set out in the Schedule to this Act are hereby confirmed and shall
have the force of law notwithstanding anything in the Constitution Act, 1867 ,
or any Act amending the same, or any Act of the Parliament of Canada, or in any
Order in Council or terms or conditions of union made or approved under any
such Act as aforesaid.
Natural
Resources Transfer Agreement, 1930 (Alberta):
12In order
to secure to the Indians of the Province the continuance of the supply of game
and fish for their support and subsistence, Canada agrees that the laws
respecting game in force in the Province from time to time shall apply to the
Indians within the boundaries thereof, provided, however, that the said Indians
shall have the right, which the Province hereby assures to them, of hunting,
trapping and fishing game and fish for food at all seasons of the year on all
unoccupied Crown lands and on any other lands to which the said Indians may
have a right of access.
Wildlife
Act, R.S.A. 1980, c. W‑9:
42 No person shall traffic in any wildlife except as is
expressly permitted by this Act or by the regulations.
1 . . .
.
. .
(s)
"traffic" means any single act of selling, offering for sale, buying,
bartering, soliciting or trading;
Treaty
and Hunting Rights
An
examination of the historical background leading to the negotiations for Treaty
No. 8 and the other numbered treaties leads inevitably to the conclusion that
the hunting rights reserved by the Treaty included hunting for commercial
purposes. The Indians wished to protect the hunting rights which they
possessed before the Treaty came into effect and the Federal Government wished
to protect the native economy which was based upon those hunting rights. It
can be seen that the Indians ceded title to the Treaty 8 lands on the condition
that they could reserve exclusively to themselves "their usual vocations of
hunting, trapping and fishing throughout the tracts surrendered".
The
economy of the Indian population at the time of the Treaty had clearly evolved
to such a degree that hunting and fishing for commercial purposes was an
integral part of their way of life. In his Commentary on
Economic History of Treaty 8 Area (unpublished; June 13, 1985),
Professor Ray notes at p. 4:
The
Indians indicated to the Treaty 8 commissioners that they wanted assurances
that the government would look after their needs in times of hardships before
they would sign the treaty. The Commissioners responded by stressing that the
government did not want Indians to abandon their traditional economic
activities and become wards of the state. Indeed, one of the reasons that the
Northwest Game Act of 1894 had been enacted was to preserve the resource base
of the native economies outside of organized territories. The government
feared that the collapse of these economies would throw a great burden onto the
state such as had occurred when the bison economy of the prairies failed.
Professor
Ray, in conclusion on this point, states at pp. 8-9:
[C]ommercial provision hunting was an important aspect
of the commercial hunting economy of the region from the onset of the fur trade
in the late 18th century. However, no data exists that makes it possible to
determine what proportion of the native hunt was intended to obtain provisions
for domestic use as opposed to exchange.
Furthermore,
in terms of economic history, I am not sure any attempts to make such
distinctions would be very meaningful in that Indians often killed animals,
such as beaver, primarily to obtain pelts for trade. However, the Indians
consumed beaver meat and in many areas it was an important component of the
diet. Conversely, moose, caribou and wood buffalo were killed in order to
obtain meat for consumption and for trade. Similarly, the hides of these
animals were used by Indians and they were traded. For these reasons,
differentiating domestic hunting from commercial hunting is unrealistic and
does not enable one to fully appreciate the complex nature of the native
economy following contact.
The
report of the Commissioners who negotiated Treaty No. 8 on behalf of the
government of Canada lends further support to this conclusion where they wrote
(at p. 6):
Our
chief difficulty was the apprehension that the hunting and fishing privileges
were to be curtailed. The provision in the treaty under which ammunition and
twine is to be furnished went far in the direction of quieting the fears of the
Indians, for they admitted that it would be unreasonable to furnish the means
of hunting and fishing if laws were to be enacted which would make hunting and
fishing so restricted as to render it impossible to make a livelihood by such
pursuits. But over and above the provision, we had to solemnly assure them
that only such laws as to hunting and fishing as were in the interest of the
Indians and were found necessary in order to protect the fish and fur-bearing
animals would be made, and that they would be as free to hunt and fish after
the treaty as they would be if they never entered into it. [Emphasis
added.]
I am
in complete agreement with the finding of the trial judge that the original
Treaty right clearly included hunting for purposes of commerce. The next
question that must be resolved is whether or not that right was in any way limited
or affected by the Transfer Agreement of 1930.
The
Effect of the 1930 Transfer Agreement
At
the outset two established principles must be borne in mind. First, the onus
of proving either express or implicit extinguishment lies upon the Crown. See Simon v.
The Queen, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 387; Calder v.
Attorney-General of British Columbia, [1973] S.C.R.
313. Secondly, any ambiguities in the wording of the Treaty or document must
be resolved in favour of the Native people. This was expressed by Dickson J.,
as he then was, speaking for the Court in Nowegijick v. The
Queen, [1983] 1 S.C.R. 29, at p. 36, in these words:
. . .
treaties and statutes relating to Indians should be liberally construed and
doubtful expressions resolved in favour of the Indians.
The
appellant argues that the Transfer Agreement of 1930 was not signed by the
Indians. Since they were not a party to it, they could not have agreed to any
restriction of their hunting and fishing rights and that these rights could not
have been lost as a result of the operation of what has been called the
"merger and consolidation" theory.
The
Crown on the other hand states that it is clear from the wording of para. 12
itself that the hunting rights were limited by the Agreement. The wording
again is as follows:
12In order
to secure to the Indians of the Province the continuance of the supply of game
and fish for their support and subsistence, Canada agrees that the laws
respecting game in force in the Province from time to time shall apply to the
Indians within the boundaries thereof, provided, however, that the said Indians
shall have the right, which the Province hereby assures to them, of hunting,
trapping, and fishing game and fish for food at all seasons of the year
on all unoccupied Crown lands and on any other lands to which the said Indians
may have a right of access. [Emphasis added.]
The
Crown argues that the rights granted to the Indians by the Treaty of 1899 were
"merged and consolidated" in the 1930 Transfer Agreement. The Crown
further submits that the limiting meaning of these words has been noted and
upheld by this Court in Cardinal v. Attorney General of Alberta, [1974]
S.C.R. 695; Frank v. The Queen, [1978] 1 S.C.R.
95; R. v. Sutherland, [1980] 2 S.C.R. 451, at p. 460, and
Moosehunter v. The Queen, [1981] 1 S.C.R. 282.
The
merger and consolidation theory was first put forward by McNiven J.A. in R. v.
Strongquill (1953), 8 W.W.R. (N.S.) 247 (Sask. C.A.) He stated at
pp. 267-68:
Pars. 10, 11 and 12 of the said agreement refer to
Indians and with respect to the matters therein dealt with the rights
heretofore enjoyed by the Indians whether by treaty or by statute were merged
and consolidated. Vide Rex v. Smith, [1935] 2 WWR 433,
64 CCC 131, where Turgeon, J.A. says at p. 436:
"It
follows therefore that whatever the situation may have been in earlier years
the extent to which Indians are now exempted from the operation of the game
laws of Saskatchewan is to be determined by an interpretation of par. 12, given
force of law by this Imperial statute."
In Cardinal
v. Attorney General of Alberta, supra,
Martland J., for the majority, expressed the opinion that the 1930 Transfer
Agreement operated so as to extend provincial jurisdiction in the form of game
laws to Indian Reserves. At page 707 he wrote:
The
opening words of the section define its purpose. It is to secure to the
Indians of the Province a continuing supply of game and fish for their support
and subsistence. It is to achieve that purpose that Indians within the boundaries
of the Province are to conform to Provincial game laws, subject, always, to
their right to hunt and fish for food.
In
later decisions Dickson J., as he then was, adopted this approach. It was his
view that the Transfer Agreement operated so as to cut down the scope of Indian
hunting rights. In Frank v. The Queen, supra, at p.
100, he commented:
It
would appear that the overall purpose of the para. 12 of the Natural Resources
Transfer Agreement was to effect a merger and consolidation of the treaty
rights theretofore enjoyed by the Indians but of equal importance was the
desire to re-state and reassure to the treaty Indians the continued enjoyment
of the right to hunt and fish for food.
Similarly
in Moosehunter v. The Queen, supra, at p.
285, he wrote:
The
Agreement had the effect of merging and consolidating the treaty rights of the
Indians in the area and restricting the power of the provinces to regulate the
Indians' right to hunt for food. The right of Indians to hunt for sport or
commercially could be regulated by provincial game laws but the right to hunt
for food could not.
The
appellant contends that these authorities should not be followed. The position
is three-fold. Firstly, it is argued that when it is looked at in its
historical context, the 1930 Transfer Agreement was meant to protect the rights
of Indians and not to derogate from those rights. Secondly, and most
importantly, it is contended that the traditional hunting rights granted to
Indians by Treaty No. 8 could not be reduced or abridged in any way without
some form of approval and consent given by the Indians, the parties most
affected by the derogation, and without some form of compensation or quid pro
quo for the reduction in the hunting rights. Thirdly, it is said that on
policy grounds the Crown should not undertake to unilaterally change and
derogate the Treaty rights granted earlier. To permit such a course of action
could only lead to the dishonour of the Crown. It is argued that there rests
upon the Crown an obligation to uphold the original Native interests protected
by the Treaty. That is to say, the Crown should be looked upon as a trustee of
the Native hunting rights.
These
contentions cannot be accepted. The short answer to the appellant's position
is that para. 12 of the 1930 Transfer Agreement was carefully considered and
interpreted by Chief Justice Dickson in the three recent cases of Frank v.
The Queen, supra; R. v. Sutherland, supra, and
Moosehunter v. The Queen, supra. These cases dealt with the
analogous problems arising from the Transfer Agreements with Manitoba and
Saskatchewan which were worded in precisely the same way as the Transfer
Agreement with Alberta under consideration in this case. These reasons
constitute the carefully considered recent opinion of this Court. They are
just as persuasive today as they were when they were released. Nothing in the
appellant's submission would lead me to vary in any way the reasons so well and
clearly expressed in those cases.
It
is also clear that the Transfer Agreements were meant to modify the division of
powers originally set out in the Constitution Act, 1867
(formerly the British North America Act, 1867).
Section 1 of the Constitution Act, 1930 is unambiguous in
this regard: "The agreements . . . shall have the force of law
notwithstanding anything in the Constitution Act, 1867 . . ." .
In
addition, there was in fact a quid pro quo granted by the
Crown for the reduction in the hunting right. Although the Agreement did take
away the right to hunt commercially, the nature of the right to hunt for food
was substantially enlarged. The geographical areas in which the Indian people
could hunt was widely extended. Further, the means employed by them in hunting
for their food was placed beyond the reach of provincial governments. For
example, they may hunt deer with night lights and with dogs, methods which are
or may be prohibited for others. Nor are the Indians subject to seasonal
limitations as are all other hunters. That is to say, they can hunt ducks and
geese in the spring as well as the fall, just as they may hunt deer at any time
of the year. Indians are not limited with regard to the type of game they may
kill. That is to say, while others may be restricted as to the species or sex
of the game they may kill, the Indians may kill for food both does and bucks;
cock pheasants and hen pheasants; drakes and hen ducks. It can be seen that
the quid pro quo was substantial. Both the area of hunting and the way
in which the hunting could be conducted was extended and removed from the
jurisdiction of provincial governments.
The
true effect of para. 12 of the Agreement was recognized by Laskin J., as he
then was, in Cardinal, supra, at p.
722, where he wrote:
[Section
12] is concerned rather with Indians as such, and with guaranteeing to them a
continuing right to hunt, trap and fish for food regardless of provincial game
laws which would otherwise confine Indians in parts of the Province that are
under provincial administration. Although inelegantly expressed, s. 12 does
not expand provincial legislative power but contracts it. Indians are to
have the right to take game and fish for food from all unoccupied Crown lands
(these would certainly not include Reserves) and from all other lands to which
they may have a right of access. There is hence, by virtue of the sanction of
the British North America Act, 1930, a limitation upon provincial
authority regardless of whether or not Parliament legislates. [Emphasis
added.]
This
effect of para. 12 of the Agreement was also recognized by Dickson J., as he
then was, in Myran v. The Queen, [1976] 2 S.C.R.
137, at p. 141:
I
think it is clear from Prince and Myron that an Indian of
the Province is free to hunt or trap game in such numbers, at such times of the
year, by such means or methods and with such contrivances, as he may wish,
provided he is doing so in order to obtain food for his own use and on
unoccupied Crown lands or other lands to which he may have a right of access.
It
is thus apparent that although the Transfer Agreement modified the Treaty
rights as to hunting, there was a very real quid pro quo which
extended the Native rights to hunt for food. In addition, although it might
well be politically and morally unacceptable in today's climate to take such a
step as that set out in the 1930 Agreement without consultation with and
concurrence of the Native peoples affected, nonetheless the power of the
Federal Government to unilaterally make such a modification is unquestioned and
has not been challenged in this case.
Further,
it must be remembered that Treaty No. 8 itself did not grant an unfettered
right to hunt. That right was to be exercised "subject to such
regulations as may from time to time be made by the Government of the
country". This provision is clearly in line with the original position of
the Commissioners who were bargaining with the Indians. The Commissioners
specifically observed that the right of the Indians to hunt, trap and fish as
they always had done would continue with the proviso that these rights would
have to be exercised subject to such laws as were necessary to protect the fish
and fur bearing animals on which the Indians depended for their sustenance and
livelihood.
Before
the turn of the century the federal game laws of the Unorganized Territories
provided for a total ban on hunting certain species (bison and musk oxen) in
order to preserve both the species and the supply of game for Indians in the
future. See The Unorganized Territories' Game Preservation Act,
1894, S.C. 1894, c. 31, ss. 2, 4 to 8 and 26. Even then the
advances in firearms and the more efficient techniques of hunting and trapping,
coupled with the habitat loss and the over-exploitation of game, (undoubtedly
by Europeans more than by Indians), had made it essential to impose
conservation measures to preserve species and to provide for hunting for
future generations. Moreover, beginning in 1890, provision was made in the
federal Indian Act for the Superintendent General to make the game laws of
Manitoba and the Unorganized Territories applicable to Indians. See An Act
further to amend "The Indian Act " chapter forty-three of the Revised
Statutes, S.C. 1890, c. 29, s. 10. A similar provision was in
force in 1930. See Indian Act, R.S.C. 1927, c. 98, s. 69 .
Obviously
at the time the Treaty was made only the Federal Government had jurisdiction
over the territory affected and it was the only contemplated "government
of the country". The Transfer Agreement of 1930 changed the governmental
authority which might regulate aspects of hunting in the interests of
conservation. This change of governmental authority did not contradict the
spirit of the original Agreement as evidenced by federal and provincial
regulations in effect at the time. Even in 1899 conservation was a matter of
concern for the governmental authority.
In
summary, the hunting rights granted by the 1899 Treaty were not unlimited.
Rather they were subject to governmental regulation. The 1930 Agreement
widened the hunting territory and the means by which the Indians could hunt for
food thus providing a real quid pro quo for the reduction
in the right to hunt for purposes of commerce granted by the Treaty of 1899.
The right of the Federal Government to act unilaterally in that manner is
unquestioned. I therefore conclude that the 1930 Transfer Agreement did alter
the nature of the hunting rights originally guaranteed by Treaty No. 8.
Section
42 of the Wildlife Act
At
the outset it must be recognized that the Wildlife Act is a
provincial law of general application affecting Indians not qua Indians
but rather as inhabitants of the Province. It follows that the Act can be
applicable to Indians pursuant to the provisions of s. 88 of the Indian Act so long
as it does not conflict with a treaty right. It has been seen that the Treaty
No. 8 hunting rights have been limited by the provisions of the 1930 Transfer
Agreement to the right to hunt for food, that is to say, for sustenance for the
individual Indian or the Indian's family. In the case at bar the sale of the
bear hide was part of a "multi-stage process" whereby the product was
sold to obtain funds for purposes which might include purchasing food for
nourishment. The courts below correctly found that the sale of the bear hide
constituted a hunting activity that had ceased to be that of hunting "for
food" but rather was an act of commerce. As a result it was no longer a
right protected by Treaty No. 8, as amended by the 1930 Transfer Agreement.
Thus the application of s. 42 to Indians who are hunting for commercial
purposes is not precluded by s. 88 of the Indian Act .
The
fact that a grizzly bear was killed by the appellant in self-defence must
engender admiration and sympathy, but it is unfortunately not relevant to a
consideration of whether there has been a breach of s. 42 of the Wildlife
Act. Obviously if it were permissible to traffic in hides of grizzly
bears that were killed in self-defence, then the numbers of bears slain in
self-defence could be expected to increase dramatically. Unfortunate as it may
be in this case, the prohibition against trafficking in bear hides without a
licence cannot admit of any exceptions.
Neither,
regrettably, can it be relevant to the breach of the s. 42 that the appellant
in fact obtained a grizzly bear hunting permit after he was in the possession
of a bear hide. The granting of a permit does not bring a hunter any guarantee
of success but only an opportunity to legitimately slay a bear. The evidence
presented at trial indicated that the limitations placed upon obtaining a
licence and the limited chance of success in a bear hunt resulted in the
success rate of between 2 and 4 per cent of the licence holder. This must be
an important factor in the management of the bear population. Wildlife
administrators must be able to rely on the success ratio and proceed on the
assumption that those applying for a permit have not already shot a bear. The
success ratio will determine the number of licenses issued in any year. The
whole management scheme which is essential to the survival of the grizzly bear
would be undermined if a licence were granted to an applicant who had already
completed a successful hunt.
As
well, s. 42 of the Wildlife Act is consistent with
the very spirit of Treaty No. 8, which specified that the right to hunt would
still be subject to government regulations. The evidence indicates that there
remain only 575 grizzly bears on provincial lands. This population cannot
sustain a mortality rate higher than 11 per cent per annum if it is even to
maintain its present numbers. The statistics indicate that the population will
decline if death resulting from natural causes, legal hunting and poaching (and
indications are that levels of poaching match legal takings) reached a total of
more than 60 bears in a year. The grizzly bear requires a large range and is
particularly sensitive to encroachment on its habitat. This magnificent animal
is in a truly precarious position. All Canadians and particularly Indians who
have a rich and admirable history and tradition of respect for and harmony with
all forms of life, will applaud and support regulations which encourage the
bears' survival. Trafficking in bear hides, other than pursuant to the
provisions of the Wildlife Act, threatens the
very existence of the grizzly bear. The bear may snarl defiance and even
occasionally launch a desperate attack upon man, but until such time as it
masters the operation of firearms, it cannot triumph and must rely on man for
protection and indeed for survival. That protection is provided by the Wildlife
Act, but if it is to succeed it must be strictly enforced.
Section
42 of the Wildlife Act is valid
legislation enacted by the government with jurisdiction in the field. It
reflects a bona fide concern for the preservation of a
species. It is a law of general application which does not infringe upon the
Treaty 8 hunting rights of Indians as limited by the 1930 Transfer Agreement.
Disposition
In
the result, I would dismiss the appeal. The constitutional question posed should
be answered as follows:
Question:
Between
February 1, 1984 and May 30, 1984, was s. 42 of the Wildlife Act, R.S.A.
1980, c. W-9, constitutionally applicable to Treaty 8 Indians in virtue of the
hunting rights granted to them under the said Treaty? In particular, were the
hunting rights granted by Treaty No. 8 of 1899 extinguished, reduced or
modified by para. 12 of the Alberta Natural Resources Transfer Agreement, as
confirmed by the Constitution Act, 1930?
Answer:
The answer to both queries framed in the Question should
be in the affirmative.
The Wildlife
Act applied to the appellant and Horseman is guilty of violating s. 42 of
the Act. Nonetheless he did not seek out the bear and shot it only in
self-defence. The trial judge found that he acted in good faith when he
obtained the license to hunt bear. He was in financial difficulties when he
sold the bear hide in an isolated transaction. He has provided the means
whereby the application of the Wildlife Act to Indians was
explored. If it were not for statutory requirement of a minimum fine, in the
unique circumstances of the case, I would vary the sentence by waiving the
payment of the minimum fine. Nevertheless, in light of the circumstances of
the case, and the time that has elapsed, I would order a stay of proceedings.
There should be no order as to costs.
Appeal
dismissed, Dickson C.J. and Wilson and
L'Heureux‑Dubé JJ. dissenting.
Solicitors
for the appellant: Rogers & Company, Calgary.
Solicitor
for the respondent: The Attorney General for Alberta, Edmonton.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Attorney General of Manitoba: The Department of
Justice, Winnipeg.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Attorney General for Saskatchewan: The Department of
Justice, Regina.