Bowman
J.T.C.C.:
—
These
appeals
are
from
assessments
for
1991,
1992
and
1993
and
involve
a
claim
for
the
disability
tax
credit
under
section
118.3
of
the
Income
Tax
Act.
No
claim
for
the
credit
was
made
for
1991
and
1992
and
no
notice
of
objection
was
filed
for
those
years.
Accordingly,
1991
and
1992
are
not
validly
before
the
court.
For
1993,
the
question
is
whether
the
appellant’s
dependent
son
Taavi
Radage
suffered
from
a
severe
and
prolonged
mental
or
physical
impairment
within
the
meaning
of
sections
118.3
and
118.4.
Paragraph
118.3(1)
reads:
Where
(a)
an
individual
has
a
severe
and
prolonged
mental
or
physical
impairment,
(a.l)
the
effects
of
the
impairment
are
such
that
the
individual’s
ability
to
perform
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living
is
markedly
restricted,
(a.2)
a
medical
doctor,
or
where
the
impairment
is
an
impairment
of
sight,
a
medical
doctor
or
an
optometrist,
has
certified
in
prescribed
form
that
the
individual
has
a
severe
and
prolonged
mental
or
physical
impairment
the
effects
of
which
are
such
that
the
individual’s
ability
to
perform
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living
is
markedly
restricted,
(b)
the
individual
has
filed
for
a
taxation
year
with
the
Minister
the
certificate
described
in
paragraph
(a.2),
and
(c)
no
amount
in
respect
of
remuneration
for
an
attendant
or
care
in
a
nursing
home,
in
respect
of
the
individual,
is
included
in
calculating
a
deduction
under
section
118.2
(otherwise
than
because
of
paragraph
118.2(2)(b.
1
))
for
the
year
by
the
individual
or
by
any
other
person,
for
the
purposes
of
computing
the
tax
payable
under
this
Part
by
the
individual
for
the
year,
there
may
be
deducted
an
amount
determined
by
the
formula
A
x
$4,118
where
A
is
the
appropriate
percentage
for
the
year.
Subsection
118.3(2)
permits
a
parent,
among
others,
to
claim
the
credit
in
respect
of
a
dependent.
Subsection
118.4(1)
reads:
For
the
purposes
of
subsection
6(16),
sections
118.2
and
118.3
and
this
subsection,
(a)
an
impairment
is
prolonged
where
it
has
lasted,
or
can
reasonably
be
expected
to
last,
for
a
continuous
period
of
at
least
12
months;
(b)
an
individual’s
ability
to
perform
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living
is
markedly
restricted
only
where
all
or
substantially
all
of
the
time,
even
with
therapy
and
the
use
of
appropriate
devices
and
medication,
the
individual
is
blind
or
is
unable
(or
requires
an
inordinate
amount
of
time)
to
perform
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living;
(c)
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living
in
relation
to
an
individual
means
(i)
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering,
(ii)
feeding
and
dressing
oneself,
(iii)
speaking
so
as
to
be
understood,
in
a
quiet
setting,
by
another
person
familiar
with
the
individual,
(iv)
hearing
so
as
to
understand,
in
a
quiet
setting,
another
person
familiar
with
the
individual,
(v)
eliminating
(bowel
or
bladder
functions),
or
(vi)
walking;
and
(d)
for
greater
certainty,
no
other
activity,
including
working,
housekeeping
or
a
social
or
recreational
activity,
shall
be
considered
as
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living.
The
basis
of
the
appellant’s
case
is
that
his
son
Taavi
is
markedly
restricted
in
his
ability
to
think,
perceive
and
remember,
that
is
to
say,
all
or
substantially
all
of
the
time,
he
is
unable
to
do
so
or
requires
an
inordinate
amount
of
time
to
do
so.
At
the
time
of
the
trial
Taavi
was
24
years
of
age.
Both
of
his
parents
testified.
His
mother
is
a
nurse
and
his
father
is
an
engineer.
Taavi
did
not
testify
and,
given
his
mental
condition
as
described
by
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Radage,
I
find
this
quite
understandable.
To
have
him
testify
would
have
been
traumatic
and
embarrassing
for
him
and
in
any
event
I
doubt
that
I
could
have
drawn
any
meaningful
conclusions
about
his
ability
to
think,
perceive
and
remember
from
observing
him
in
the
witness
stand.
Indeed
the
best
evidence
of
his
mental
condition
is
the
testimony
of
his
parents
who
have
lived
with
him
all
his
life.
I
draw
no
adverse
inference
from
his
failure
to
testify.
It
became
apparent
to
Taavi’s
parents
that
he
had
problems
as
early
as
the
age
of
two.
He
was
slow
in
learning
to
speak.
He
was
bullied
at
school
because
he
was
“different”.
His
hand-eye
coordination
was
deficient.
Indeed,
even
today
he
is
uncoordinated
to
the
extent
that,
as
his
father
testified,
he
would
be
incapable
of
hammering
a
nail
into
a
board.
His
motor
skills
are
virtually
non-
existent.
He
is
unable
to
participate
in
sports,
although
evidently
he
can
ski.
He
is
capable
of
reading,
although
he
reads
only
the
sports
page
of
the
newspapers,
and
he
can
watch
television.
As
a
child,
he
attended
special
schools
and,
as
an
adolescent,
he
attended
a
special
school
in
Ontario
for
persons
with
his
type
of
problems
and
graduated
from
grade
12
in
accordance
with
the
standards
of
that
school,
which
may
not
be
the
same
as
those
of
ordinary
secondary
schools
in
Ontario.
At
present
he
works
under
supervision
putting
up
shelves
in
a
special
program
of
the
Alberta
government.
His
father
testified
that
he
would
not
be
able
to
do
this
type
of
work
on
his
own.
He
cannot
drive
a
car
or
ride
a
bicycle,
but
he
can
get
around
the
city
by
public
transit
and
would
be
capable
of
phoning
the
transit
company
to
obtain
instructions
on
how
to
get
from
one
place
to
another.
He
was
able
to
travel
unaccompanied
by
plane
to
England,
to
visit
a
relative.
He
can
buy
things
in
stores
but
would
not
know,
or
at
least
would
not
notice,
if
he
was
being
short-changed.
He
cannot
do
simple
arithmetic
in
his
head.
His
spatial
perception
is
so
limited
that
he
would
not
realize
that
it
would
be
impossible
to
put
a
square
or
rectangular
shape
in
a
round
hole.
He
can
feed
and
dress
himself
and
can
be
left
alone,
although
he
would
be
unable
to
do
anything
but
the
simplest
cooking,
generally
heating
up
meals
previously
prepared
by
his
mother.
He
is
described
in
the
medical
certificate
filed
in
support
of
the
claim
as
having
a
borderline
range
of
intelligence,
impaired
manual
dexterity
and
hand-eye
coordination.
It
is
said
as
well
that
his
receptive
language
skills
are
impaired.
In
the
questionnaire
filled
out
by
Taavi
in
his
own
handwriting,
but
dictated
by
his
mother,
he
described
his
problems
in
the
following
terms:
-
developmental
disability
—
needs
help
and
reminders
about
hygiene
-
unable
to
manage
money
and
other
formal
businessinable
to
develop
friendships
—
motor
coordination
problems
—
difficulty
understanding
some
written
material.
A
further
medical
certificate
states:
He
is
impulsive,
emotionally
labile
and
lacks
an
appreciation
of
consequences.
He
therefore
is
unable
to
manage
money
or
day
to
day
affairs.
He
can
work
in
an
unskilled
job
with
constant
supervision
and
assistance.
He
needs
reminding
to
perform
daily
hygiene.
The
evidence
and
argument
advanced
by
both
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Radage
can
be
summarized
in
the
following
passage
from
the
notice
of
appeal:
The
attached
reference
from
Dr.
Stewart
testifies
that
Taavi’s
disabilities
are
so
severe
that
they
make
it
impossible
for
him
to
function
independently,
therefore
making
him
the
responsibility
of
the
state
or
some
other
capable
person.
Taavi
does
not
have
a
“single
severe”
disability,
but
the
sum
of
his
handicaps
denies
him
the
privilege
of
being
able
to
address
most
of
the
issues
generally
expected
from
an
able
adult.
This
cumulatively
amounts
to
a
“severe
disability”
even
though
Taavi
is
not
a
person
with
visibly
recognized
disabilities
that
might
provide
wonderful
photo
opportunities
for
politicians
and
others
looking
for
brownie
points.
He
is
one
of
those
who
fall
between
the
cracks
in
the
school
systems,
particularly
secondary
education,
the
job
market
and
society
in
general.
Taavi
is
currently
earning
approximately
$60/per
week
with
no
immediate
avenues
for
increased
earning
power.
His
disabilities
make
his
career
prospects
dismal
indeed.
He
was
able
to
find
this
job
only
because
of
the
interventions
and
placement
by
the
Chrysallis
organization.
Taavi
requires
medications
costing
over
$50
per
month.
He
wears
glasses
and
is
due
for
new
prescription.
If
his
father
was
unable
to
provide
for
his
medical
needs,
the
state
would
clearly
be
accountable.
Taavi
does
live
at
home.
He
would
not
be
able
to
sign
a
lease
with
a
meaningful
understanding
of
the
implications.
He
of
course
would
not
be
able
to
afford
a
home
on
his
own.
If
his
father
did
not
provide
shelter,
food
and
clothing,
the
state
would
have
to.
Taavi’s
disabilities
cause
his
inability
to
manage
budgets,
complete
official
forms,
to
drive
a
car,
participate
in
normal
social
milieu
of
his
age
group,
he
cannot
draw
even
the
simplest
of
diagrams
or
directions,
cannot
estimate
or
remember
time
references,
distances
or
other
spatial
matters.
All
these
do
indeed
place
severe
barriers
to
independent
living,
employment
and
social
functioning.
Taavi’s
scope
is
very
limited
indeed.
The
letter
dated
March
1,
1995
from
the
consulting
psychologist,
Garth
A.
Stewart
was
also
put
in
evidence
and
it
reads
as
follows:
In
November
of
1993
I
completed
a
psychological
assessment
on
Taavi.
He
is
an
emotionally
immature
individual,
which
in
combination
with
his
intellectual
and
academic
limitations,
will
have
a
significant
impact
on
his
ability
to
function
independently.
Due
to
his
impulsivity,
excitability,
and
lack
of
judgment,
it
is
likely
that
he
will
have
a
good
deal
of
difficulty
making
important
decisions
and
managing
his
own
affairs.
Of
greatest
concern
is
his
vulnerability
to
be
taken
advantage
of
by
others.
Taavi
will
probably
require
the
assistance
of
either
his
family
members
or
an
appointed
individual
for
some
time
to
come,
and
as
in
most
cases
I
feel
that
it
is
in
the
best
interests
of
all
concerned
if
he
can
receive
this
support
from
members
of
his
own
family
rather
than
an
appointed
trustee.
The
evidence
was
that
Taavi
had
an
I.Q.
in
the
70-84%
range,
described
as
“borderline
retardation”,
an
expression
that
today
is
not
in
favour.
I
might
observe
that
I
would
be
reluctant
to
base
any
decision
on
the
results
of
an
I.Q.
test
without
satisfactory
evidence
concerning
the
type
of
test
administered
and
its
accuracy.
Without
that
type
of
evidence
I
would
regard
such
tests
as
inconclusive
and
unreliable.
They
prove
‘more
about
the
presumption
of
psychometrists
in
purporting
to
devise
means
of
measuring
“intelligence”,
a
concept
that
has
no
generally
accepted
definition,
than
they
do
about
the
intellectual
capacities
of
the
subject.
As
the
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind
observes,
Innumerable
tests
are
available
for
measuring
intelligence
(see
INTELLIGENCE:
ITS
ASSESSMENT),
yet
no
one
is
quite
certain
of
what
intelligence
is,
or
even
of
just
what
it
is
that
the
available
tests
are
measuring.
I
accept
the
evidence
of
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Radage.
Taavi’s
problems
and
limitations
are
not
insignificant
and
should
not
be
minimized.
Moreover,
I
am
aware
of
the
great
sacrifices
that
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Radage
have
made
and
continue
to
make
on
behalf
of
their
son.
He
may
need
care
and
supervision
in
some
degree
for
the
rest
of
his
life.
The
question
however
that
I
have
to
decide
is
whether
he
falls
within
sections
118.3
and
118.4
of
the
Income
Tax
Act
as
having
a
severe
and
prolonged
mental
or
physical
impairment,
the
effects
of
which
are
such
that
his
ability
to
perform
a
basic
activity
of
daily
living
is
markedly
restricted.
His
impairment
is
certainly
prolonged
within
the
meaning
of
paragraph
118.4(1
)(a).
The
basic
activity
of
daily
living
which
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Radage
contend
is
markedly
restricted
is
that
set
out
in
subparagraph
118.4(1
)(c)(i):
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
To
meet
the
criteria
in
paragraph
118.4(l)(a)
he
must
all
or
substantially
all
of
the
time
either
be
unable
to
perform
that
activity
or
require
an
inordinate
amount
of
time
in
which
to
do
so.
I
question
the
appropriateness
of
“all
or
substantially
all
of
the
time”
or
“requires
an
inordinate
amount
of
time”
when
we
are
dealing
with
thought
processes.
Some
quick
and
decisive
thinkers
facilely
arrive
at
the
wrong
conclusion.
Some
slow
and
ponderous
thinkers
laboriously
arrive
at
the
right
one.
Which
one
has
the
problem,
the
tortoise
or
the
hare?
A
preliminary
question,
before
I
come
to
the
meaning
of
these
words,
is
whether
“and”
is
disjunctive
or
conjunctive.
As
Maxwell
On
Interpretation
of
Statutes,
12th
Ed.,
observes
at
pages
232-33,
In
ordinary
usage,
“and”
is
conjunctive
and
“or”
disjunctive.
But
to
carry
out
the
intention
of
the
legislature
it
may
be
necessary
to
read
“and”
in
place
of
the
conjunction
“or”,
and
vice
versa.
There
is
ample
authority
for
this
proposition.
I
think
that
this
is
a
case
in
which
“and”
should
be
treated
as
disjunctive.
It
would
appear
to
defeat
the
purpose
of
the
provision
if
a
person
who
was
wholly
incapable
of
remembering,
but
still
retained
a
capacity
to
do,
say,
mental
arithmetic,
should
be
disqualified
from
claiming
the
credit.
Although
in
principle
it
seems
correct
to
treat
“and”
as
disjunctive
in
this
instance,
it
must
be
recognized
that
in
most
cases,
as
a
practical
matter,
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
are
related
and
interdependent
aspects
of
the
mind’s
function.
They
are
all
related
facets
of
a
broader
phenomenon.
Perception,
in
its
simplest
aspect
of
reception,
is
what
a
camera
does.
In
a
human
context,
however,
the
mere
reception
of
sensory
data,
without
more,
is
meaningless.
The
recipient
must
be
capable
of
recognizing,
sorting
and
cataloguing
the
data,
relating
it
to
previously
stored
information,
making
inferences
and
forming,
weighing,
selecting
and
rejecting
hypotheses.
Thus,
meaningful
perception
requires
both
memory
and
analytical
capacity.
Memory
itself
is
dependent
upon
antecedent
analysis,
just
as
that
analysis
is
dependent
upon
both
the
reception
of
data
and
the
recall
of
previously
analyzed
and
stored
data.
The
validity
of
this
generalization,
however,
like
other
generalizations
that
I
have
tried
to
formulate
in
this
area,
is
subject
to
exceptions.
It
may,
nonetheless,
have
a
limited
utility
in
the
context
of
sections
118.3
and
118.4
as
a
practical
hypothesis.
A
second
preliminary
observation
is
that
one
cannot
infer
from
a
person’s
ability
to
perform
all
of
the
other
activities
of
daily
living
enumerated
under
subparagraphs
118.4(1
)(c)(ii)
to
(vi)
that
that
person
is
able
to
perceive,
think
and
remember.
An
inability
to
perform
some
or
all
of
the
other
enumerated
activities,
may,
however,
under
certain
circumstances,
be
evidence
of
a
deficiency
under
subparagraph
118.4(1
)(c)(i),
but
the
converse
is
not
true.
Subparagraph
118.4(l)(c)(i)
stands
as
a
separate
head.
The
more
difficult
question
is
the
meaning
to
be
assigned
to
the
words
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
In
the
French
version
of
the
Act
the
words
are
la
perception,
la
réflexion
et
la
mémoire
I
presume
that
“thinking”
and
“la
rélexion”
are
intended
to
mean
the
same,
although
I
should
have
thought
that
“thinking”
was
more
accurately
rendered
as
“la
pensée”,
and
“la
réflexion”
was
more
accurately
rendered
as
“reflection”.
There
are
obviously
differences
between
the
words,
but
however
interesting
it
might
be
to
pursue
these
linguistic
subtleties,
the
court
here
is
faced
with
the
necessity
of
putting
a
sensible,
practical
and
compassionate
interpretation
on
the
words
that
will
give
effect
to
the
intention
of
Parliament,
which
is
to
give
a
measure
of
tax
relief
to
persons
with
serious
disabilities.
What
does
“perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering”
mean
within
the
context
of
section
118.4?
We
use
these
words
every
day
yet
they
are
not
susceptible
of
easy
definition.
Thinkers
have
struggled
with
the
nature
of
thought
since
the
days
of
Plato,
and
indeed
before
then.
Descartes
built
an
elaborate
philosophical
system,
including
the
proof
of
the
existence
of
God
and
of
self,
on
his
intuitively
certain
premise
that
he
thinks:
cogito
ergo
sum.
Yet
he
gives
us
little
assistance
concerning
what
he
thinks
he
is
doing
when
he
says
cogito.
One
may
ask
if
any
useful
purpose
is
to
be
served,
in
the
everyday
world
in
which
sections
118.3
and
118.4
are
intended
to
operate,
in
trying
to
define
“perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering”.
It
is,
I
think,
the
obligation
of
the
court
to
endeavour
to
do
so
or,
if
the
conceptual
difficulties
of
that
task
prove
insurmountable,
at
least
to
indicate
guidelines
within
which
it
sees
the
application
of
these
terms.
Parliament
has
thrown
the
court
a
philosophically
loaded
package,
which
it
cannot
duck.
We
must
attempt
to
apply
these
words
to
a
concrete
situation.
Although
it
may
appear
that
the
court
is
embarking
upon
a
theoretical
enquiry
for
which
it
is
ill-equipped,
I
can
see
no
alternative
to
making
the
attempt.
That
is
what,
with
considerable
trepidation,
I
propose
to
try
to
do.
Even
though
I
realize
that
I
may
ultimately
have
to
admit
defeat
in
formulating
clear
definitions,
the
exercise
will,
I
believe,
at
least
demonstrate
the
protean
nature
of
the
terms
and
the
danger
in
seeking
to
find
and
apply
a
rigid
definition
to
something
as
complex
as
the
workings
of
the
human
mind.
In
this
endeavour
I
have
consulted
a
number
of
dictionaries
and
well
known
texts.
No
expert
testimony
was
called
and
this
is
not
surprising,
given
the
amount
of
money
involved.
Had
expert
witnesses
been
called
we
would
have
become
involved
in
an
unproductive
battle
of
experts
in
which
philosophical
and
psychological
concepts
of
mind
were
expounded
or
attacked
with
vigour
and
erudition,
and
the
court
would
still
be
faced
with
the
task
of
construing
these
deceptively
simple
words
and
applying
them
to
Taavi
Radage’s
situation.
The
common
understanding
of
words
may
well,
as
Lord
Hailsham
observed
in
Girls’
Public
Day
School
Trust,
Ltd.
v.
Ereaut
[1931]
A.C.
12
(U.K.H.L.)
at
page
25,
be
a
question
of
fact,
but
the
construction
of
words
in
the
context
of
a
particular
statute
is
ultimately
a
question
of
law.
To
this
end
dictionaries
and
other
sources
may
be
consulted,
but
with
caution.
Dictionary
definitions
are
frequently
exercises
in
circularity
and
are
often
of
little
assistance
in
construing
words
in
a
statute.
It
would
be
tempting
to
throw
up
one’s
hands
and
say,
“Well,
everybody
knows
what
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
means,
so
why
bother
looking
for
a
definition?
It
is
easy
to
recognize
their
presence
or
absence
in
a
particular
case.”
This
would,
I
think,
be
to
avoid
the
court’s
responsibility.
There
has
been
attributed
to
a
United
States
Supreme
Court
judge
the
statement
that
he
could
not
define
obscenity
but
he
could
recognize
it
when
he
saw
it.
Dr.
Samuel
Johnson
evidently
purported
to
refute
Berkeley’s
metaphysical
theories
by
kicking
a
stone.
These
pragmatic
and
seductively
simplistic
approaches
may
commend
themselves
but
they
do
not
work
here.
Some
practical
meaning
must
be
given
to
the
words.
I
do
not
have
the
luxury,
as
evidently
jesting
Pilate
did,
of
asking
“What
is
truth?”
and
then
not
bothering
to
wait
around
for
an
answer.
It
seems
clear
that
at
least
higher
orders
of
sentient
beings
have
cognitive
faculties
in
greater
or
lesser
degree,
in
the
sense
that
they
are
capable
of
rational
problem
solving
and
of
responding
to
certain
types
of
intellectual
stimuli
in
a
manner
that
goes
beyond
mere
instinctive
reaction.
Studies
of
higher
orders
of
mammal
—
chimpanzees,
porpoises
and
certain
other
mammals
—
indicate
that
the
faculty
of
logical
thought
may
be
latent
and
capable
of
development.
Studies
of
non-human
intelligence,
however
enlightening
they
may
be
in
attempts
to
determine
the
nature
of
human
intelligence,
do
not
advance
the
enquiry
that
this
court
must
make.
In
the
quotations
from
various
learned
works
that
follow
it
will
be
apparent
that
even
specialists
have
difficulty
in
assigning
precise
meanings
to
the
words
“perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering”.
Thinking
Although
“thinking”
is
the
second
word
in
the
series
I
shall
start
with
it
because
it
seems
to
cover
a
broader
field.
Thinking,
in
its
various
forms,
subsumes
virtually
all
other
forms
of
cognitive
activity
—
reasoning,
believing,
reflecting,
understanding,
logical
analysis,
intuition,
creativity,
calculation
and
deliberation
and
forming
judgements,
to
mention
only
a
few.
All
are
aspects
of
this
elusive
concept.
A
quotation
from
the
article
Thought
and
Thought
Processes
in
the
15th
Edition
of
the
New
Encyclopedia
Britannica,
Vol.
28,
page
641
illustrates
the
difficulty
of
attempting
to
formulate
a
comprehensive
definition
of
the
word
“thinking”
that
is
useful
or
applicable
in
all
cases
under
section
118.3
and
118.4:
In
everyday
language
the
word
thinking
covers
several
distinct
psychological
activities.
It
is
sometimes
a
synonym
for
“tending
to
believe,”
especially
with
less
than
full
confidence.
(“I
think
that
it
will
rain,
but
I
am
not
sure.”)
At
other
times
it
denotes
attentiveness
(“I
did
it
without
thinking”);
or
it
denotes
whatever
is
in
consciousness,
especially
if
it
refers
to
something
outside
the
immediate
environment.
(“It
made
me
think
of
my
old
grandmother.”)
In
the
sense
on
which
psychologists
have
concentrated,
thinking
is
intellectual
exertion
aimed
at
finding
an
answer
to
a
question
or
a
means
of
achieving
a
desirable
practical
goal.
The
psychology
of
thought
processes
concerns
itself
with
activities
similar
to
those
usually
attributed
to
the
inventor,
the
mathematician,
or
the
chess
player;
but
psychologists
have
not
reached
agreement
on
any
definition
or
characterization
of
thinking.
For
some
it
is
a
matter
of
modifying
“cognitive
structures”
(i.e.,
perceptual
representations
of
the
world
or
parts
of
the
world).
Others
view
thinking
as
internal
problem-solving
behaviour.
Perhaps
the
most
satisfactory
provisional
conception
of
thinking
is
one
that
applies
the
term
to
any
sequence
of
covert
symbolic
responses
(i.e.,
occurrences
within
the
human
organism
that
can
serve
to
represent
absent
events).
If
such
a
sequence
is
aimed
at
the
solution
of
a
specific
problem
and
fulfils
the
criteria
for
reasoning,
it
is
called
directed
thinking.
Reasoning,
of
which
rudimentary
forms
can
be
inferred
to
occur
in
infrahuman
mammals,
is
a
process
of
piecing
together
the
results
of
two
or
more
distinct
previous
learning
experiences
to
produce
a
new
pattern
of
behaviour.
Directed
thinking
contrasts
with
other
symbolic
sequences
that
have
different
functions;
e.g.,
the
simple
recall
(mnemonic
thinking)
of
a
chain
of
past
events.
In
the
past,
psychologists
and
laymen
often
identified
thinking
with
conscious
experiences.
But
as
the
scientific
study
of
behaviour
came
to
be
recognized
generally
as
the
task
of
psychology,
the
limitations
of
introspection
as
a
source
of
data
have
become
widely
apparent.
It
thus
has
become
more
usual
to
treat
thought
processes
as
intervening
variables
or
constructs
with
properties
that
must
be
inferred
from
relations
between
two
sets
of
observable
events.
These
empirically
available
events
are
inputs
(stimuli,
present
and
past)
and
outputs
(responses,
including
bodily
movements
and
speech).
For
many
psychologists
such
intervening
variables
are
of
interest
as
aids
in
dealing
with
and
in
making
sense
of
the
immensely
complicated
network
of
associations
between
stimulus
conditions
and
responses,
the
analysis
of
which
otherwise
would
be
prohibitively
cumbersome.
Others
are
concerned,
rather,
with
identifying
cognitive
(or
mental)
structures
that
are
held
to
underlie
a
human
being’s
observable
behaviour
without
his
necessarily
being
aware
of
them.
The
article
then
goes
on
to
examine
thought
under
a
number
of
headings,
as
follows:
Elements
of
thought
The
process
of
thought
Motivational
aspects
of
thinking
Types
of
thinking
Realistic
thinking
Convergent
thought
processes
Problem
solving
Creative
thinking
Thinking
in
groups
Autistic
thinking
Free
association
Fantasy
Dreaming
Pathological
thinking
If
the
concept
of
thinking
is
approached
as
a
philosophical
rather
than
a
psychological
problem,
the
same
difficulty
in
formulating
a
definition
arises.
In
The
Oxford
Companion
to
Philosophy,
under
“Thinking”,
the
following
appears:
In
its
diverse
forms
—
as
reasoning,
believing,
reflecting,
calculating,
deliberating
-
thinking
appears
to
enjoy
an
intimate
connection
with
speech,
but
just
what
that
connection
might
be
is
difficult
to
establish.
It
is
seldom,
as
Plato
would
have
it,
a
matter
of
an
inward
dialogue
carried
on
by
the
mind
with
itself.
Not
only
is
wordless
thought
possible,
as
when
we
think
how
a
room
would
look
with
the
furniture
rearranged;
it
does
not
even
require
attention
to
the
matter
in
question
for
us
to
have
thought
that
something
was
so,
as
when,
tripping
on
a
stair,
we
say
we
thought
there
was
one
fewer
stair
than
there
in
fact
was.
It
would
appear
obvious
that
speech
is
not
a
necessary
aspect
of
thought
although
the
two
are
as
a
rule
connected.
The
French
version
(“la
réflexion”)
adds
no
clarification.
The
definition
of
“réflexion”
in
the
Grand
Dictionnaire
Encyclopédique
Larousse
is
as
follows:
Réflexion
n.f.
(même
étym.
que
le
précéd.)
1.
Action
de
réfléchir,
d’arrêter
sa
pensée
sur
qqch
pour
l’examiner,
l’analyser,
en
avoir
une
connaissance
plus
complète:
Se
donner
le
temps
de
la
réflexion.
Une
proposition
qui
demande
réflexion,
qui
donne
matière
à
réflexion.
-
2.
Capacité
de
réfléchir,
qualité
de
qqn
qui
évite
la
hâte,
la
précipitation
dans
ses
jugements
et
dans
ses
décisions;
discernement:
Manquer
de
réflexion.
-
3.
Pensée,
considération,
jugement,
conclusion
auxquels
conduit
cette
activité
de
l’esprit:
Se
laisser
aller
à
des
réflexions
amères.
Réflexions
inspirées
par
un
événement.
-
4.
Observation
adressée
qqn
pour
critiquer
sa
conduite,
son
travail,
etc.;
remarque:
Il
lui
a
fait
une
réflexion
désobligeante
devant
tout
le
monde.
—
5.
A
la
réflexion,
en
y
réfléchissant
bien.
Réflexion
faite,
après
avoir
réfléchi,
tout
bien
pesé,
examiné:
Réflexion
faite,
il
n’y
a
aucune
raison
de
s’inquiéter.
—
Philos.
Chez
Hegel,
mouvement
qui
rapporte
en
toute
chose
réelle
l’intériorité
et
l’extériotié
l’une
à
l’autre,
et
qui
par
conséquent
pose
l’identité
entre
l’essence
et
ses
déterminations.
(La
réflexion
[all.
Reflexion]
n’a
donc
aucune
signification
cognitive
ou
psychologique:
elle
est
très
directement
et
avant
tout
ontologique.
Hegel
écrit
:
“La
négativité
de
l’essence
est
la
réflexion
et
les
déterminations
sont
réfléchies,
posées
par
l’essence
elle-même
et
restant
en
elle
comme
supprimées”
[Science
de
la
logique,
“Essence”]).
Perceiving
One
encounters
the
same
elusiveness
in
trying
to
pin
down
what
Parliament
meant
by
“perceiving”
(“la
perception”).
The
Encyclopedia
Britannica,
in
the
article
on
Human
Perception,
opens
with
the
following
observation:
Perception,
or
perceiving,
refers
to
the
process
whereby
sensory
stimulation
is
translated
into
organized
experience.
That
experience,
or
percept,
is
the
joint
product
of
the
stimulation
and
of
the
process
itself.
Relations
found
between
various
types
of
stimulation
(e.g.,
light
waves
and
sound
waves)
and
their
associated
percepts
suggest
inferences
that
can
be
made
about
the
properties
of
the
perceptual
process;
theories
of
perceiving
then
can
be
developed
on
the
basis
of
these
inferences.
Because
the
perceptual
process
is
not
itself
public
or
directly
observable
(except
to
the
perceiver
himself,
whose
percepts
are
given
directly
in
experience),
the
validity
of
perceptual
theories
can
be
checked
only
indirectly.
That
is,
predictions
derived
from
theory
are
compared
with
appropriate
empirical
data,
quite
often
through
experimental
research.
The
question
of
perception
is
discussed
under
a
large
number
of
headings,
including
the
philosophical
aspects,
perceptual
organization,
Gestalt
principles,
individual
(including
gender
and
cultural)
differences
in
perceiving,
perception
of
movement,
space
perception,
time
perception,
illusions
and
hallucinations.
Two
quotations
from
the
article
will
serve
to
illustrate
the
conceptual
difficulty
in
formulating
a
useful
definition
for
the
purposes
of
sections
118.3
and
118.4:
Historically,
systematic
thought
about
perceiving
was
the
province
of
philosophy.
Indeed,
perceiving
remains
of
interest
to
philosophers,
and
many
issues
about
the
process
that
were
originally
raised
by
philosophers
are
still
of
current
concern.
As
a
scientific
enterprise,
however,
the
investigation
of
perception
has
especially
developed
as
part
of
the
larger
discipline
of
psychology.
Philosophical
interest
in
perception
stems
largely
from
questions
about
the
sources
and
validity
of
what
is
called
human
knowledge
(see
EPISTEMOLOGY).
Epistemologists
ask
whether
a
real,
physical
world
exists
independently
of
man’s
experience,
and
if
so,
how
man
can
come
to
learn
its
properties
and
how
the
truth
or
accuracy
of
that
experience
can
be
determined.
They
also
ask
whether
there
are
innate
ideas
or
whether
all
experience
Originates
through
contact
with
the
physical
world,
mediated
by
the
sense
organs.
For
the
most
part,
psychology
by-passes
such
questions
in
favour
of
problems
that
can
be
handled
by
its
special
methods.
The
remnants
of
such
philosophical
questions,
however,
do
remain;
researchers
are
still
concerned,
for
example,
with
the
relative
contributions
of
innate
and
learned
factors
to
the
perceptual
process.
Such
fundamental
philosophical
assertions
as
the
existence
of
a
physical
world,
however,
are
taken
for
granted
among
most
scientific
students
of
perceiving.
Typically,
researchers
in
perception
simply
accept
the
apparent
physical
world
particularly
as
it
is
described
in
those
branches
of
physics
concerned
with
electromagnetic
energy,
optics,
and
mechanics.
The
problems
they
consider
are
those
relating
to
the
process
whereby
percepts
are
formed
from
the
interaction
of
what
is
called
physical
energy
(for
example,
light)
with
the
perceiving
organism.
Of
further
interest
is
the
degree
of
correspondence
between
percepts
and
the
physical
objects
to
which
they
ordinarily
relate.
How
accurately,
for
example,
does
the
visually
perceived
size
of
an
object
match
its
physical
size
as
measured
(e.g.,
with
a
yardstick)?
Sensing
and
perceiving.
Many
philosophers
and
psychologists
have
commonly
accepted
as
fundamental
a
distinction
made
on
rational
grounds
between
sensing
and
perceiving
(or
between
sensations
and
percepts).
To
demonstrate
empirically
that
sensing
and
perceiving
are
indeed
different,
however,
is
quite
another
matter.
It
is
often
said,
for
example,
that
sensations
are
simple
and
that
percepts
are
complex.
Yet,
only
if
there
is
offered
some
agreed
upon
(a
priori)
basis
for
separating
experiences
into
two
categories
—
sensations
and
percepts
—
can
experimental
procedures
demonstrate
that
the
items
in
one
category
are
“simpler”
than
those
in
the
other.
Clearly,
the
arbitrary
basis
for
the
initial
categorization
itself
cannot
be
subjected
to
empirical
test.
Similarly,
the
article
on
perception
in
the
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind
illustrates
the
nature
of
the
problem
of
definition:
Perception.
Our
senses
probe
the
external
world.
They
also
tell
us
about
ourselves,
as
they
monitor
positions
of
the
limbs
and
the
balance
of
our
bodies,
and
through
pain
they
signal
injury
and
illness.
More
subtly,
there
are
innumerable
internal
signals
monitoring
physiological
activities,
and
conveying
and
maintaining
our
well-being;
though
little
of
this
enters
our
consciousness.
It
may
surprise
the
non-scientist
just
how
little
of
the
day-by-day,
second-by-
second
perception
that
allows
us
to
survive
in
a
threatening
world
is
conscious.
But
although
the
processes
are
generally
unconscious,
through
investigating
them
experimentally
we
can
discover
a
great
deal
about
the
physiological
basis
of
perception
and
how,
as
babies
and
later,
we
discover
the
world
of
objects
and
come
to
read
meanings
in
pictures
and
symbols.
In
perception,
as
Sir
Ernst
Gombrich
(1950)
realized
to
such
good
effect,
art
and
science
meet.
Just
how
we
know
things
through
sensory
experience
is
a
question
that
was
discussed
by
the
Greek
philosophers
and
has
been
ever
since.
But,
perhaps
curiously,
planned
experiments
in
the
spirit
of
the
physical
sciences
were
hardly
attempted
much
earlier
than
the
mid-nineteenth
century.
Since
then,
the
experimental
study
of
perception
has
yielded
fundamental
knowledge
for
physiology
and
psychology,
especially
from
the
outstanding
work
of
Hermann
von
Helmholtz
(1867).
It
has
revealed
many
surprises
in
the
form
of
processes
of
which
we
are
unaware,
though
they
can
often
be
demonstrated
simply
and
dramatically.
The
study
of
perception,
especially
of
vision
and
hearing,
has
allowed
psychology
to
grow
from
its
philosophical
roots
into
an
experimental
science;
yet
deeply
puzzling
philosophical
questions
remain
—
especially
over
the
role
of
consciousness.
It
is
puzzling,
both
that
we
are
aware
of
so
little
of
perception
—
and
that
we
have
any
awareness!
It
is
worth
asking
why
we
have
both
perceptions
and
conceptions
of
the
world.
Why
is
perception
somehow
separate,
and
in
several
ways
different,
from
our
conceptual
understanding?
Very
likely
it
is
because
perception,
in
order
to
be
useful,
must
work
very
quickly,
whereas
we
may
take
years
forming
concepts,
since
knowledge
and
ideas
are
in
a
sense
timeless.
It
would
probably
be
impossible
for
perception
to
draw
upon
all
of
our
knowledge,
as
it
has
to
work
so
fast.
Rather,
it
employs
a
rapid
but
not
deep
intelligence
with
a
small
knowledge
base.
In
the
Harper
Dictionary
of
Modern
Thought
perception
is
said
to
be
a
“theory-laden
word”.
The
article
reads
as
follows:
Perception.
In
general,
awareness
or
appreciation
of
objects
or
situations,
usually
by
the
senses.
Specific
technical
meanings
are
related
to
the
many
theories
of
perception
still
extant
in
PHYSIOLOGY,
PSYCHOLOGY,
and
PHYSIOLOGY.
It
is
a
theory-
laden
word,
and
so
changes
its
meanings
and
implications
across
rival
theories.
There
are,
in
particular,
two
essentially
different
theories
of
perception:
(1)
That
perceptions
are
selections
of
reality:
i.e.
they
are
essentially
like,
and
made
of
the
same
stuff
as,
objects
of
the
external
world.
This
notion
has
a
strong
appeal
to
philosophers
wishing
to
accept
perceptions
as
the
unquestionable
basis
of
empirical
TRUTH.
Errors
of
perception
—
illusions
and
hallucinations
—
are
clearly
embarrassing
for
such
a
theory;
and
indeed
the
argument
from
illusion
(see
ILLUSION)
claims
to
disprove
it.
How
can
we
know
that
a
perception
is
true,
if
we
have
reason
to
believe
that
other
perceptions
appearing
just
as
sound
are
illusory?
(2)
That
perceptions
are
not
any
kind
of
selection
of
reality;
but
are
rather
accounts,
descriptions,
or,
most
interesting,
hypotheses
of
the
object
world.
On
this
view
perception
is
only
indirectly
related
to
reality,
and
there
is
no
difficulty
over
illusions.
But,
correspondingly,
it
offers
no
guarantee
that
any
particular
perception
can
be
relied
upon
as
true.
Thus
all
knowledge
based
on
perceptions
is
essentially
uncertain:
perceptions
must
be
checked
before
they
can
be
relied*
upon,
and
even
then
perhaps
no
set
of
perceptions
can
be
completely
trusted
as
true.
It
is
generally
accepted
that
this
holds
also
for
all
scientific
observations,
instrument-readings,
or
signals.
The
status
of
perception
may
be
very
like
that
of
scientific
hypotheses.
What
we
see
is
affected
by
what
is
likely;
and
we
can
be
driven
into
error
by
following
assumptions
which
are
not
appropriate
for
the
available
sensory
data.
This
is
a
development
of
Hermann
von
Helmholtz’s
notion
that
perceptions
are
unconscious
inferences
from
sensory
and
memory
data.
Some
illusions
may
be
fallacies
of
perceptual
inference.
The
author
of
that
definition
is
Richard
L.
Gregory,
Professor
of
Neuropsychology
and
Director
of
the
Brain
and
Perception
Laboratory
at
the
University
of
Bristol.
He
is
also
the
editor
of
the
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind,
from
which
I
have
drawn
extensively
in
these
reasons,
and
the
author
of
Eye
and
Brain,
a
recognized
text
on
the
psychology
of
seeing.
It
is
a
very
readable
treatise
on
the
complex
question
of
visual
perception,
in
both
its
physiological
and
psychological
aspects.
Of
course,
subparagraph
118.4(l)(c)(i)
is
concerned
not
only
with
visual
perception.
The
senses
of
touch,
smell,
taste
and
hearing
are
also
involved.
Professor
Gregory
observes
that
our
perception
of
familiar
things
may
be
shaped
by
preconceptions
concerning
what
we
expect
to
perceive,
whereas
our
perception
of
a
wholly
new
and
unfamiliar
situation
requires
adjustments
to
the
manner
in
which
we
react
to
what
we
perceive
and
the
formulation
and
testing
of
new
hypotheses.
What
the
foregoing
demonstrates
is
the
danger
of
taking
for
granted
that
perceiving,
even
in
a
provision
that
also
refers
to
such
mundane
and
easily
recognized
activities
as
walking,
dressing
and
feeding
oneself,
hearing
and
speaking,
is
a
readily
comprehensible
concept
that
lends
itself
to
facile
definition.
Remembering
Developing
a
definition
of
remembering
that
is
useful
under
section
118.4
is
only
slightly
less
difficult.
Remembering
is
a
function
of
the
faculty
of
memory.
Any
consideration
of
remembering
necessarily
involves
a
consideration
of
the
nature
of
memory.
The
materials
from
which
I
quoted
above
contain
similarly
erudite
articles
on
the
nature
of
memory.
For
example,
in
the
article
on
Memory
in
the
Encyclopedia
Britannica,
the
following
appears:
That
experiences
influence
subsequent
behaviour
is
evidence
of
an
obvious
but
nevertheless
remarkable
activity
called
remembering.
Learning
could
not
occur
without
the
function
popularly
named
memory.
Practice
results
in
a
cumulative
effect
on
memory
leading
to
skilful
performance
on
the
tuba,
to
recitation
of
a
poem,
and
even
to
reading
and
understanding
these
words.
So-called
intelligent
behaviour
demands
memory,
remembering
being
prerequisite
to
reasoning.
The
ability
to
solve
a
problem
or
even
to
recognize
that
a
problem
exists
depends
on
memory.
Typically,
the
decision
to
cross
a
street
is
based
on
remembering
many
earlier
experiences.
In
speculating
about
the
evolution
of
memory,
it
is
helpful
to
consider
what
would
happen
if
memories
failed
to
fade.
Forgetting
clearly
aids
orientation
in
time:
since
old
memories
weaken
and
the
new
tend
to
be
vivid,
clues
are
provided
for
inferring
duration.
Without
forgetting,
adaptive
ability
would
suffer;
for
example,
learned
behaviour
that
might
have
been
correct
a
decade
ago
may
no
longer
be.
Cases
are
recorded
of
people
who
(by
ordinary
standards)
forgot
so
little
that
their
everyday
activities
were
full
of
confusion.
Thus,
forgetting
seems
to
serve
the
survival
of
the
individual
and
the
species.
The
Oxford
Companion
to
Philosophy
observes:
memory
is
of
various
kinds.
As
well
as
facts,
events,
people,
places
and
experiences,
one
can
remember
how
things
looked,
where
to
find
them,
what
to
do
with
them,
to
do
something
and
also
how
to
do
it;
this
last
(remembering
how)
has
been
singled
out
for
special
contrast
with
another
kind
involving
images
(Bergeson,
Russell)
but
without
much
justification.
The
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind
has
several
articles
on
memory.
The
general
article
commences
with
the
unhelpful
and
enigmatic
statement:
When
we
learn
something
there
must
be
a
change
in
the
brain,
but
no
one
knows
what
the
change
is.
The
article
then
goes
on
to
draw
analogies
between
the
human
nervous
system
and
computers.
In
the
article
on
the
biological
basis
of
memory
the
following
comment
is
made:
Indeed
memory
is
a
portmanteau
expression
which
includes
within
itself
two
processes
and,
by
hypothesis,
a
thing.
The
processes
are
the
learning
of
some
new
skill,
behaviour
pattern,
or
piece
of
information
(sometimes
called
the
acquisition
of
the
memory)
and,
at
some
later
time,
the
recall
and
reexpression
of
the
skill
or
information
(sometimes
called
retrieval).
The
thing
that
connects
the
two
processes
of
learning
and
recall
is
a
change
in
the
properties
of
the
brain
system
so
as
to
store
the
new
information
which
the
learning
represents,
in
such
a
form
that
it
can
subsequently,
in
response
to
appropriate
cues,
be
searched
for
and
retrieved.
This
change
is
known
as
the
memory
trace,
or
engram.
The
relationship
between
the
language
used
to
discuss
these
phenomena
in
the
brain
and
that
used
in
the
description
of
the
properties
of
computers
and
their
memory
stores
is
not
accidental,
for
much
of
our
present-day
thinking
about
biological
memory
is
directed
-
and
constrained
—
by
a
framework
of
analogies
from
computer
technology
and
information
theory.
The
enthusiasm
with
which
psychologists
have
embraced
the
analogy
between
human
memory
and
computer
memory
demonstrates
the
paucity
of
information
that
heretofore
existed
about
this
aspect
of
the
mind.
Computers
have
been
around
only
for
decades,
memory
since
time
immemorial.
Current
explanations
of
memory
had
to
await
the
advent
of
the
computer.
It
is
interesting
to
note
that
in
the
first
edition
of
the
Encyclopedia
Britannica,
published
well
over
two
centuries
ago,
memory
is
described
as
“a
faculty
of
the
human
mind
whereby
it
retains
and
recals
[sic]
the
ideas
it
has
once
perceived”.
Although
the
verbiage
has
proliferated
the
concept
remains
unchanged.
I
had
not
intended
this
judgment
to
become
a
treatise
on
mind.
It
has
no
pretensions
to
being
such.
It
barely
skims
the
surface.
Yet
in
attempting
to
come
to
grips
with
such
elusive
and
charged
concepts
as
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
it
is
essential
that
one
recognize
their
theoretical
and
philosophical
underpinnings
and
their
daunting
complexity.
At
the
commencement
of
these
reasons,
I
proposed
to
attempt
to
formulate
workable
definitions
of
these
words.
It
will
be
apparent
that
the
attempt
has
not
been
a
noticeable
success.
It
has,
however,
been
useful,
at
least
for
me,
in
emphasizing
the
difficulty
in
applying
the
words
to
the
myriad
of
mental
problems
from
which
humans
may
suffer,
and
the
extreme
caution
that
must
be
exercised
in
attempting
to
do
so.
It
has
also
served
to
delineate,
to
some
extent,
the
boundaries
of
the
territory
that
these
words
cover
-
boundaries
that
overlap
and
do
not
necessarily
remain
constant.
The
following
conclusions
may
be
drawn
from
the
cursory
review
I
have
made
of
the
above
materials.
(1)
While
one
must
recognize
and
respect
the
philosophic
bases
that
underlie
the
development
of
these
concepts,
one
must
endeavour
to
apply
practical
criteria
that
are
meaningful
in
everyday
life.
On
the
other
hand,
one
should
not
blithely
proceed
on
the
assumption
that
everyone
knows
what
these
common
words
mean
and
that
therefore
no
attempt
need
be
made
to
determine
their
meaning.
(2)
As
noted
above,
although
I
believe
the
words
are
used
disjunctively,
the
activities
of
perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering
are
closely
connected.
One
cannot
“think”
without
being
able
to
retain
concepts
in
one’s
mind.
Similarly,
perceiving
the
external
world
is
a
necessary
adjunct
to
rational
thought.
(3)
While
a
comprehensive
definition
of
these
terms
that
would
satisfy
all
academics
and
theoreticians
is
likely
impossible,
for
the
practical
purposes
of
applying
sections
118.3
and
118.4,
the
following
guidelines
seem
workable:
(a)
Perceiving:
The
concept
must
be
predicated
upon
the
existence
of
an
objectively
verifiable
external
reality.
However
intellectually
satisfying
the
theories
of
Hume
and
Berkeley
may
be
in
an
academic
or
philosophical
setting,
they
are
out
of
place
in
the
workaday
world
in
which
sections
118.3
and
118.4
must
operate.
Perception
involves
the
reception
and
recognition
of
sensory
data
in
a
manner
that
conforms
reasonably
to
common
human
experience.
The
man
who
mistook
his
wife
for
a
hat
would
not
be
perceiving
in
the
sense
in
which
I
have
used
the
term
To
revert
to
the
passage
quoted
above
from
the
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind,
perceiving,
in
the
sense
in
which
I
believe
it
is
used
in
section
118.4,
involves
both
percept
and
concept.
(b)
Thinking:
A
state
of
anoesis
is
not
necessary
to
qualify
under
sections
118.3
and
118.4.
Thinking,
for
the
purpose
of
those
sections,
involves
a
rational
comprehension,
marshalling,
organization
and
analysis
of
that
which
the
person
has
perceived
and
the
formulation
of
conclusions
therefrom
that
are
of
practical
utility
or
theoretical
validity.
The
determination
of
the
threshold
that
must
be
crossed
is
a
matter
of
judgement.
I
am
supported
in
this
view
by
the
judgment
of
Bowie
J.
of
this
court
in
Parsons
v.
R.
(June
14,
1996),
Doc.
95-3409(IT)I
(T.C.C.).
In
that
case
he
stated,
after
referring
to
the
definition
of
“think”
in
the
Oxford
English
Dictionary,
2nd.
Ed.:
The
element
which
these
definitions
share,
and
which
is
therefore
a
necessary
part
of
the
process
of
thinking,
is
some
degree
of
ratiocination.
This
is
an
active
mental
process
which
involves
the
formulation
of
original
ideas,
and
the
manipulation
of
ideas
and
concepts
perceived.
I
am
satisfied
from
the
evidence
of
Mr.
Parsons
and
Dr.
Hanley
that
Mrs.
Parsons
is
not
capable
in
any
real
sense
of
forming
original
ideas,
or
of
any
reasoning
process
in
respect
of
that
which
she
perceives
from
the
world
about
her.
I
find
therefore
that
she
is
not
capable
of
thinking,
and
thus
that
her
condition
satisfies
the
requirement
of
subparagraph
118.4(l)(c)(i)
of
the
Act.
(c)
Remembering:
An
inability
to
perform
the
mental
activity
of
remembering
-
i.e.,
the
retrieval
of
previously
perceived
and
stored
data
-
is
more
than
mere
absent
mindedness
or
the
fading
of
the
faculty
of
memory
that
besets
many
of
us
with
advancing
years.
On
the
other
hand,
it
is
not
only
total
amnesia
that
qualifies.
A
blow
on
the
head,
an
accident
or
other
trauma
may
bring
about
recent
memory
amnesia
and
yet
distant
memory
may
remain
unimpaired
.
Remembering,
as
the
passage
from
the
Oxford
Companion
to
the
Mind
quoted
above
indicates,
is
both
the
acquisition
of
the
memory
and
its
retrieval.
This
analysis
is
appropriate
for
the
purposes
of
sections
118.3
and
118.4.
As
in
the
case
of
thinking,
the
severity
of
the
impairment
for
the
purposes
of
section
118.3
is
ultimately
a
matter
of
judgement.
(4)
It
is
easier
to
recognize
either
an
ability
or
an
inability
to
perceive,
think
and
remember
than
to
define
the
terms.
One
must
attempt,
on
a
case
by
case
basis,
to
identify
the
type
of
impairment
from
which
the
individual
suffers
and
determine
whether
that
impairment
is
of
such
a
severity
that
to
grant
the
tax
relief
contemplated
by
sections
118.3
and
118.4
would
fall
within
the
object
that
those
provisions
envisage.
One
should
guard
against
jumping
too
quickly
to
a
conclusion
that
a
person
has
a
severe
mental
impairment.
Such
a
finding
may
be
based
upon
a
failure
to
recognize
that
just
because
a
person
is
“different”
or
sees
the
world
differently
from
most
of
us,
that
person
is
mentally
impaired.
In
a
recent
case,
I
concluded
that
a
combination
of
extreme
depression,
anorexia
and
severe,
prolonged
and
frequent
migraines
that
rendered
an
otherwise
intelligent
person
incapable
of
any
type
of
rational
thought
during
the
frequent
attacks
qualified
the
taxpayer
for
the
credit.
In
another,
I
allowed
the
appeal
of
a
person
suffering
from
severe
bi-polar
disorder.
Each
case
depends
on
its
own
facts
and
to
a
degree
upon
the
court’s
perception
of
the
severity
of
the
problem.
If
asked
“Where
do
you
draw
the
line?”
I
can
only
answer
that
I
draw
the
line
in
any
given
case
where
my
own
common
sense,
based
on
the
evidence
and
on
a
compassionate
view
of
what
I
think
Parliament
was
trying
to
achieve
in
section
118.3,
tells
me
to
draw
it.
(5)
I
do
not
mean
by
the
foregoing
to
imply
by
any
means
that
the
determination
be
based
on
an
arbitrary
and
subjective
knee-jerk
reaction.
It
must
be
based
not
only
on
the
facts
of
the
particular
case
but
upon
appropriate
legal
principles.
I
shall
try
to
state
briefly
those
principles
upon
which
this
decision
is
based:
(a)
The
legislative
intent
appears
to
be
to
provide
a
modest
amount
of
tax
relief
to
persons
who
fall
within
a
relatively
restricted
category
of
markedly
physically
or
mentally
impaired
persons.
The
intent
is
neither
to
give
the
credit
to
everyone
who
suffers
from
a
disability
nor
to
erect
a
hurdle
that
is
impossible
for
virtually
every
disabled
person
to
surmount.
It
obviously
recognizes
that
disabled
persons
need
such
tax
relief
and
it
is
intended
to
be
of
benefit
to
such
persons.
(b)
The
court
must,
while
recognizing
the
narrowness
of
the
tests
enumerated
in
sections
118.3
and
118.4,
construe
the
provisions
liberally,
humanely
and
compassionately
and
not
narrowly
and
technically.
In
Craven
v.
R.,
(sub
nom.
Craven
v.
Canada)
[1995]
1
C.T.C.
2883
(T.C.C.),
I
stated:
The
application
of
the
inflexible
tests
in
section
118.4
leaves
the
court
no
room
to
apply
either
common
sense
or
compassion
in
the
interpretation
of
the
disability
tax
credit
provisions
of
the
Income
Tax
Act
—
provisions
that
require
a
compassionate
and
commonsense
application.
In
my
view
I
stated
the
test
unduly
narrowly
in
that
case.
I
have
heard
many
disability
tax
credit
cases
since
that
time
and
my
thinking
has
evolved.
My
present
view
of
the
approach
that
should
be
taken
is
more
accurately
set
out
in
such
cases
as
Noseworthy
v.
R.
[1996]
2
C.T.C.
2006
(T.C.C.),
Lawlor
v.
R.
[1996]
2
C.T.C.
2005
(T.C.C.),
Hillier
v.
R.
[1996]
2
C.T.C.
2004
(T.C.C.),
and
Lamothe
v.
R.
(April
18,
1996),
Doc.
95-2868(IT)I
and
95-3949(IT)I
(T.C.C.).
If
the
object
of
Parliament,
which
is
to
give
to
disabled
persons
a
measure
of
relief
that
will
to
some
degree
alleviate
the
increased
difficulties
under
which
their
impairment
forces
them
to
live,
is
to
be
achieved
the
provision
must
be
given
a
humane
and
compassionate
construction.
Section
12
of
the
Interpretation
Act
reads
as
follows:
Every
enactment
is
deemed
remedial,
and
shall
be
given
such
fair,
large
and
liberal
construction
and
interpretation
as
best
ensures
the
attainment
of
its
objects.
(c)
If
there
is
doubt
on
which
side
of
the
line
a
claimant
falls,
that
doubt
should
be
resolved
in
favour
of
the
claimant.
(d)
The
provisional
meanings
assigned
above
to
the
words
“perceiving,
thinking
and
remembering”
are
more
in
the
nature
of
guidelines
than
definitions.
They
are:
Perceiving:
The
reception
and
recognition
of
sensory
data
about
the
external
world
that
conforms
reasonably
to
common
human
experience.
Thinking:
A
rational
comprehension,
marshalling,
analysis
and
organization
of
that
which
the
person
has
perceived
and
the
formulation
of
conclusions
therefrom
that
are
of
practical
utility
or
theoretical
validity.
Remembering:
The
mental
activity
of
storing
perceived
data
and
of
retrieving
it
in
a
manner
that
enables
the
person
reasonably
to
perform
the
function
of
thinking.
In
these
guidelines
I
have
emphasized
the
need
to
recognize
the
way
in
which
one
function
depends
on
the
others,
and
to
attempt
to
relate
the
use
of
those
functions
to
some
meaningful
result
in
everyday
life.
(e)
Finally
there
must
be
considered
-
and
this
is
the
most
difficult
principle
to
formulate
—
the
criteria
to
be
employed
in
forming
the
judgement
whether
the
mental
impairment
is
of
such
severity
that
the
person
is
entitled
to
the
credit,
i.e.
that
that
person’s
ability
to
perceive,
think
and
remember
is
markedly
restricted
within
the
meaning
of
the
Act.
It
does
not
necessarily
involve
a
state
of
complete
automatism
or
anoesis,
but
it
should
be
of
such
a
severity
that
it
affects
and
permeates
his
or
her
life
to
a
degree
that
it
renders
that
person
incapable
of
performing
such
mental
tasks
as
will
enable
him
or
her
to
function
independently
and
with
reasonable
competence
in
everyday
life.
In
this
case,
I
am
cognizant
of
the
difficulties
that
Taavi
will
probably
have
for
the
rest
of
his
life,
and
of
the
emotional
and
financial
problems
that
his
condition
causes
his
parents.
I
have
concluded
that,
on
balance,
his
intellectual
limitations
are
severe
enough
to
justify
the
credit.
It
cannot
be
said
that
his
capacity
to
think,
perceive
and
remember
is
non-existent,
but
it
is
sufficiently
limited
to
fall
within
the
guidelines
I
have
indicated
above.
In
arriving
at
this
conclusion
I
have
endeavoured
to
put
into
the
balance
that
which
he
can
do
and
that
which
he
cannot
do.
There
are
certainly
things
that
he
can
do,
but
they
are
in
my
opinion
outweighed
by
his
severe
intellectual
limitations
that
render
him
incapable
of
performing
such
mental
tasks
as
will
enable
him
to
function
independently
and
with
reasonable
competence
in
everyday
life.
If
we
are
to
adopt,
as
we
must,
in
accordance
with
the
judgment
of
the
Supreme
Court
of
Canada
in
Québec
(Communauté
urbaine)
v.
Corp.
Notre-Dame
de
Bon-Secours,
[1994]
3
S.C.R.
3,
(sub
nom.
Notre-Dame
de
Bon-Secours
(Corp.)
v.
Québec
(Communauté
urbaine))
[1995]
1
C.T.C.
241,
(sub
nom.
Corp.
Notre-Dame
de
Bon-Secours
v.
Québec
(Communauté
urbaine))
95
D.T.C.
5017,
a
teleological
approach
to
the
construction
of
sections
118.3
and
118.4,
it
is
evident
that
the
telos
at
which
those
provisions
is
aimed
is
a
person
with
the
type
of
mental
impairment
suffered
by
Taavi
Radage.
The
appeals
for
1991
and
1992
are
quashed,
since
no
notice
of
objection
was
filed
from
the
assessments
for
those
years.
The
appeal
from
the
assessment
for
1993
is
allowed
and
the
assessment
is
referred
back
to
the
Minister
of
National
Revenue
for
reconsideration
and
reassessment
to
allow
the
appellant
the
disability
tax
credit
under
section
118.3
in
respect
of
Taavi
Radage.
Appeal
allowed.